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the Indian Mutiny

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INDIAN MUTINY, THE,. the great revolt of the Ben gal native army in 1857 which led to the transference of the government of India from the East India Company to the Crown in 1858. This mutiny, accompanied by rebellion of the popula tion in many parts and of some of the chieftains of India, was due to many causes, some of which remain a matter of con troversy to this day. Whatever were the ultimate political and psychological reasons underlying the rebellion, the increasing of the native army to implement the holding of the newly acquired territories of Oudh, the Punjab and Sind, out of all proportion to the European garrison, added to a reduction of that small garri son during the Crimean and Persian campaigns, made a mutiny possible and sufficiently attractive to catch up into its whirlwind the discontented political elements.

During the ioo years which had elapsed since the battle of Plassey, the East India Company had risen, through the crum bling of the central power of the Mogul empire, from being the mandatory of that empire for the government of certain coastal tracts, to the control of the whole of the Indian peninsula. In overcoming the various warring principalities into which the Mogul power had broken up, the instruments were largely Indian soldiers themselves, who had eagerly followed the British who were proud to lead them. A vast army modelled on the British Line,' and clothed to resemble it, had sprung up, with all the complicated machinery and traditions of a regular standing army. Elated at the continual success which attended the British arms, organized regular army.

the martial races eagerly enlisted under the Union Jack, and served gallantly and faithfully, crossing bayonets more than once with the French and sailing as far as the Mauritius, Egypt and Java to take part in the wars against Napoleon. But ever behind this great native army marched as a hammer-head Euro pean corps, some enlisted for the service of the Company, but chiefly consisting of the British Line. The European units always bore the brunt of the hardest service. This vast native army was organized in three distinct Lines, under the presidencies of Ben gal, Madras and Bombay. The native army of Bengal was by far the largest, and the three armies, in addition to the Line, had developed many local corps, regular and irregular, while the larger native states also maintained contingents under treaty, trained as a rule after the manner of the Bengal army, and offi cered by British officers, which enlisted in many cases the same races as furnished the Bengal Line.

The Bengal army, and indeed the whole of India, was shaken by the disasters which, for the first time, overcame the Com pany's forces in Afghanistan in 1841-42. In the wars with the Sikhs, 1846-49, the fighting and the nature of the foe was far more formidable than hitherto experienced; the European troops had to bear a more forward part than ever in the great battles of that war, and the prestige of the Bengal army was to some ex tent threatened.

Earlier Mutinies.

There had been several untoward mili tary incidents in the so years preceding 1857. As early, indeed, as i 764 it had been necessary to quell mutiny by the usual ori ental punishment of blowing away the offenders from the guns, when 3o sepoys (sepoy, more properly sipahi, soldier, cf. the form spahi in the French African army) were so disposed of.

In i8o6 a serious mutiny was brewing in the Madras army, partly born of the over-introduction of European pattern clothes and accoutrements. In 1824, the 47th Bengal Native Infantry re fused to march when it was ordered for active service in Burma, and after being somewhat severely handled by European artillery, was disbanded. In 1844 no less than seven battalions of the Ben gal Army broke into open mutiny over the question of allowances when garrisoning newly acquired provinces. It was to be noticed that the sterner measures of earlier days were not taken and the corps involved for the most part remained in the service.

Discontent and Danger Signals.—But there were not want ing those who saw farther and thought harder. Lord Ellenborough often said that a general mutiny of the native army was the only real danger with which the British Empire in India was threat ened. His warning was solemnly repeated by Sir Charles Napier, when Commander-in-chief, basing his warning on the many de fects of the military system which had gradually crept in. Gen eral John Jacob of the Bombay Army uttered still more forcible warnings during the years immediately preceding the Mutiny. Sir Henry Lawrence, than whom no greater authority existed, frequently warned all and sundry that things were not right, and that what had occurred at Kabul might happen at Delhi.

There can be little doubt that the social reforms of Lord Dal housie and his predecessors had disturbed many men's minds. The prohibition of suttee and female infanticide, the subordination of Brahmans to the ordinary criminal laws, all tended to cause bitterness and alarm. The landowning class, especially among the Mohammedans, found that British rule meant curtailment of inordinate privileges, and fair treatment for the poor, while at times British zeal for justice pressed unduly on these ancient classes.

The Greased Cartridge—the Chappattis.—To this accumu lation of inflammatory material, a spark was put in 1857 by strange but intelligible oversight on the part of the authorities re sponsible for the manufacture of ammunition. The use of the Minie or Enfield rifle involved a cartridge with a heavily greased patch at the end. The use of the cartridge for muzzle loading muskets had always demanded the biting of the end and the pour ing of the powder thus released into the barrel. Then occurred an altercation at Dumdum, between a high-class Bengal sepoy and a low-caste employe of the arsenal, and the hurling of a gibe by the latter as to the utter defilement involved in the use of the new cartridge. The news spread like wild-fire. Officers, as soon as they heard of the trouble, took the matter up, and whatever material had been used, clarified butter was to be the future in gredient. It was also arranged that men should grease their own materials. But the mischief had been done, and the clever brains which had been plotting against the British, found a stimulant. In India no story is too wild for belief if connected with religion. There is no doubt that the first cartridges did contain material that would be entirely unclean, and there is no doubt that the fears of the sepoys were perfectly genuine.

At this time, too, when half India was agape and looked for a portent, the strange phenomenon of the chappattis occurred. The ordinary unleavened cakes of household use seemed to be passing round. A village watchman arrived at a village, dis tributed a cake, saying, "To the north, the south, the east and the west," with injunctions to make four more and increase the snowball. No one knew why they came. The watchmen only knew that someone had brought them. But it was known that in the past similar appearances had taken place in time of trouble.

The first signs of the approaching upheaval were displayed at the great military station of Barrackpore, i 6m. from Calcutta, in Jan. r 85 7. The rumour regarding the cartridges which had originated at the adjacent Dumdum, had much inflamed the minds of the sepoys quartered there. The well-known sign of unrest, incendiary fires, broke out in the lines. Fortunately Gen. Hearsey was perhaps the best known and most experienced sepoy general in India, and active withal. Trouble was for the time laid by his judicious handling, but he warned the Government that he was sitting at Barrackpore on a mine ready for explosion. A month later the i9th Bengal Infantry at Berhampur refused to receive their percussion caps, on the ground that to use the new cartridge meant defilement. The absence of any European troops necessitated a temporizing policy. The battalion was, how ever, ordered to march to Barrackpore for disbandment. Two days before its arrival, on March 29, a sepoy named Mangal Pandy,' drunk with bhang and religious enthusiasm, endeavoured to provoke an outbreak in his regiment, the 34th Native Infantry, shooting the adjutant who interfered, and cutting down the Euro pean sergeant-major of the battalion. The regimental guard failed to take action, but General Hearsey, who happened to be riding by, rode at the mutineer.

At this juncture, the gravest which had ever befallen the Brit ish in India, the commander-in-chief and his office, with all the military heads, were separated from the governor-general and the government by many hundreds of miles. Calcutta was the head quarters of government, and though on occasion the governors general had summered at Simla during the wars with Afghanistan and the Sikhs, the offices and the ministers did not move. The commander-in-chief, finding the major portion of his army was in the north, had made Simla his headquarters. The absence of the commander-in-chief and the adjutant-general from the seat of government at this period made any concerted policy impos sible.

The Outbreak at Meerut and Delhi.—By May io the sit uation developed in grim earnest, and what had fizzled at Ber hampur and Barrackpore broke into flame at Meerut. Meerut was the largest station south of the Punjab, commanded by Major-Gen. Hewitt, and containing a considerable European gar rison, viz., the Carabineers, the both Rifles and two troops of Bengal Horse Artillery, with the headquarters and principal depot of the Bengal Artillery, commanded by Brigadier Archdale Wilson. Meerut was originally instituted to watch Delhi and the Mahratta frontier. The native troops were the 3rd Light Cavalry (a regular and non-silladar corps), and the i 1th and loth Bengal Native Infantry.

The officer commanding the cavalry, who had lately returned from leave, decided that the cartridge question must be faced, and ordered the sharpshooters of his regiment to receive the cartridge and practise the new loading drill. Eighty-five of the men refused, were tried by a native court-martial and sentenced to 'From whose name, a common patronymic of Oudh Brahmans, the mutineers became known as "Pandies." long terms of imprisonment for mutiny. At a general parade of the garrison the convicts were degraded and put in irons.

Just before dusk on the day succeeding the punishment parade, a Sunday, the native garrison broke out into open mutiny. The cavalry saddled and mounted and galloped to the gaol to release their comrades. The i ith Infantry shot the colonel of the loth and fell on any of their own officers who came their way. As so often happens in large Indian cantonments, the European and Indian barracks lay some distance apart. At Meerut the two por tions of the cantonment divided by a deep watercourse, were especially distinct. While the mutineers were murdering all Europeans they came across, aided by all the ruffians who always inhabit an Indian bazaar, the British troops, unaware of what was happening, were about to turn out for church parade which, at that season, was held in the evening, when the sound of firing broke on their ears. Fortunately the Rifles were not in church, and hurried to get under arms. The regimental sergeant-major ordered the men to exchange from white cotton to their invisible green clothing. When the British troops marched to the scene of the conflagration the mutineers were gone. A few rounds in the direction of the native lines cleared out any stragglers. The scenes of outrage did not continue. The cantonment was surrounded with woods and villages, and there were large numbers of women and children to be collected in a central place of refuge. The Carabi neers themselves were hardly a regiment in being. Just out from Europe to replace a regiment sent to the Crimea, full of young soldiers, their horses were young walers,' as yet half trained. No one thought that the excited rabble of soldiers without their leaders was going to march straight to face the orderly brigade at Delhi, or that anyone could think of restoring the Moghul dynasty. Whether, had the situation been grasped and correctly inter preted, Delhi could have been saved, can only be a matter of opinion. It has, however, been said that matters had gone too far for any local action to prevent the rebellion, and that Delhi, acting as a focus of the disease in the north, served a valuable purpose and contributed to its eventual suppression in a manner that could not have been foreseen. Early in the morning the mutinous cavalry reached Delhi, to be followed by parties of tramping redcoat sepoys. Attempts were made to prevent them entering the city and palace, but troops sent cheering from the cantonment three miles away, soon fraternized with the muti neers, and officers were shot down on all sides. The city and palace rabble hastened to massacre all Europeans and Christians. Those who took refuge in the palace were soon butchered. The whole of the civil lines which lay within the city wall became a shambles. Up on the ridge which lay between the cantonment and the city the brigadier with half his garrison stood to arms till dusk, the Europeans clustered at a small tower, the troops muttering and restless. Within the city walls, one of the most famous incidents in British history was taking place. Between the Kashmir Gate and the fortress-palace stood the great arsenal of upper India, left by some strange folly entirely in the hands of Indian troops, and within the city. Sir Charles Napier, when commander-in-chief, had protested, and the magazine itself had been moved to the end of the ridge in the cantonment. Within the arsenal there was an immense park of cannon, with a small "expense" magazine in which small-arms ammunition was made up. After defending the arsenal for as long as possible the resolute young artillery officers and warrant officers of the arsenal establishment, under Lt. Wil loughby, blew up their magazine, causing great damage to their assailants, and sending a thrill of glory and defiance through the whole of India. This glorious act, however, had not the effect generally supposed, for unfortunately Sir Charles Napier's fore thought in moving the main magazine had but resulted in its fall ing into the mutineers' hands. Without its contents (3,00o barrels of powder) the defence of Delhi by the mutineers would have been impossible. At sunset the remnant of the Europeans left Delhi for Meerut and Umballa as best they could. The ex-Moghul king was proclaimed by the soldiery and was put at the head of the rebellion.

A hundred and twenty miles north of Delhi lay the great mili 'Australian horses from New South Wales.

tary station of Umballa, the headquarters of a large military dis trict commanded by Major-gen. Barnard of Crimean fame, which being in the newly occupied Punjab had many European troops. Of these, three battalions of European infantry were in the Simla hills for the summer, 6o to 8om. farther away. At Umballa itself were the 9th Lancers and two troops of European artillery with several native units. The commander-in-chief, General the Hon. George Anson, at once ordered all the Europeans in the Simla hills to march to the plains and the commander at Umballa was to get ready his force to march to Delhi. It was some days before the troops could be got down from the hills and supplies and trans port collected. It must be remembered that there were practically no railways in India in 1857, and that the mutiny occurred in the height of the hot season. On May 17, six days after the out break at Delhi, the leading portion of the commander-in-chief's forces left Umballa for Kurnal, some 5om. down the Grand Trunk road, followed by a stream of detachments. The commander-in chief proceeded to Kurnal on the 23rd and died there of cholera four days later.

With the rising at Delhi and the proclamation of the ex-king of Delhi to the throne of his fathers, the whole of the Bengal army, from Calcutta to Delhi, broke into revolt. At some stations the influence of individual officers held the regiments for a time, but with a few exceptions the whole of the Bengal Army and the contingents of the central Indian states caught the contagion. Scenes of tragedy and horror were enacted all over the Bengal presidency, especially along the great waterways of the Ganges and the Jumna. But from Calcutta to Meerut, a marching dis tance of i,000 miles, the European garrisons were extremely small. At Lucknow, with one British battalion, Sir Henry Law rence kept his troops in hand for weeks. At Cawnpore, Sir Hugh Wheeler, experienced but aged, tried to maintain a bold face with a few Europeans sent him by Sir Henry Lawrence. At Agra, one European battalion held the great fortress, and became a refuge for all the neighbouring provinces. As soon as the gravity of the situa tion was realized by Lord Canning, the governor-general, attempts were made to apply the only remedy, reinforcements of European troops. A battalion from Burma had been brought over when the trouble at Barrackpore had occurred. An expedition on the way to China was now summoned to help, and the European portion of the Persia expedition now returning to India was hurried to Cal cutta. With the upper provinces isolated and telegraphs cut, with the commander-in-chief dead at Kurnal, it was necessary to organ ize a new chief command. General Sir Patrick Grant, the most fa mous of the Bengal sepoy officers of the day, was summoned from Madras, where he was provincial commander-in-chief. The pacifi cation of the lower provinces first demanded the despatch of such small columns as could be organized to relieve the two places in the greatest danger—Sir Hugh Wheeler, at Cawnpore, Sir Henry Lawrence, at Lucknow.

To help the small stations was impossible. The restoration of order at the centre would automatically relieve them. Only in the Punjab, the most important of all the provinces, was the situation reassuring, and this for four reasons. First and fore most, the presence of a far larger number of European troops in the newly acquired provinces ; secondly, the commanding character of the ruler, Sir John Lawrence; thirdly, the fact that the Pun jabis had recently been handsomely beaten by the British and liked their new masters; fourthly, the pick of the young men of the Indian services were in civil and military employment in the north. Major-Gen. Reid, the senior general in the Punjab, though too old and unfit to cope with the situation, gallantly went off to Delhi to assume the provisional chief-ship when Anson died, to break down immediately from his exertions. But at Peshawur, the Brigadier, Sidney Cotton, was a tower of strength.

The eagerness, indeed, of Lawrence caused him to overlook the problem of moving Europeans in the Punjab summer and the want of carriage and equipment, nor did he at first realize the character of the revolt. Seeing that Delhi was the focus and should be recovered at all costs, and finding that even the com bined Meerut and Umballa force could not take the city, he poured his British troops down, raising also innumerable levies to replace the Bengal troops, who were disarmed at many stations. His boldness and that of Sidney Cotton, Neville Chamberlain and John Nicholson, charmed the wild Afghan and frontier tribes, who flocked to serve and share in the loot of Delhi. The Amir of Kabul, contrary to expectation, held by his alliance and refrained from attacking the British. Lawrence gambled and won. But it required every man he could raise before Delhi could be taken.

The Siege and Capture of Delhi.

By June the combined forces from Meerut, under General Barnard, the commander of the Umballa division, and Brigadier-General Wilson from Meerut. defeated the rebels in three engagements, and found themselves once again in the cantonment of Delhi.

The final reinforcements reached the ridge from the Punjab late in August—under Brigadier-General John Nicholson, who had hitherto passed rapidly up and down the Punjab disarming Bengal garrisons. With him came the last supplies of siege guns and ammunitions. The siege batteries then opened an intense fire on a short front of wall and bastion. At dawn on Sept. 14, three storming columns moved against the city, two entering up the breaches and the third blowing in the Kashmir Gate. The walls on the ridge side were soon in British hands, but with the price of Nicholson mortally wounded. Days of severe fighting were neces sary to clear out the city and gain the fortress-palace. This finally done, the ex-king was captured at Humayun's Tomb out side Delhi, and the sons shot to avoid a rescue. The fittest of the troops then started south to relieve Agra.

The Coming of Reinforcements and the Relief of Luck now.—The course of the Mutiny had four distinct phases :—( ) that of the outbreak, and the recapture of Delhi with the British garrison and Punjab troops which were chiefly stationed in the north of India; (2) the coming of reinforcements and the restor ation of order along the course of the Ganges, with the relief of Lucknow; (3) the final capture of Lucknow in the spring of 1858 and the destruction of the second great centre of rebellion, and (4) the pacification of the country.

Sir Patrick Grant on his arrival had found a government in a military crisis, with no military headquarters. Not one single high official of the staff of the army nor any of its machinery was avail able. It was necessary to improvise and reconstruct an army ma chinery which would handle the large forces arriving for what was now clearly seen to be the re-conquest, not only of Bengal, but of most of Central India, to which the conflagration had now spread. Very soon came the news that government at home had appointed Sir Colin Campbell to succeed Anson, and Grant could only occupy himself with making a machine for Campbell to use. He did, however, push forward as soon as possible a column to relieve General Sir Hugh Wheeler at Cawnpore, and Sir Henry Law rence at Lucknow, pushing up first Colonel Neil and his Madras Fusiliers, and then, as soon as he arrived, Gen. Havelock with more reinforcements.

The trunk road up country from Calcutta led straight across country to Benares on the Ganges, a distance of some 38om., of which the first i oo could be travelled on the recently opened commencement of the railway. Eighty miles farther lay the Moghul fortress of Allahabad at the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, and 120M. farther on lay the important military centre of Cawnpore, which had long watched the adjacent state of Oudh. At Cawnpore was Sir Hugh Wheeler's headquarters, with four native regiments and one European field battery. At Lucknow, 45m. distant, the headquarters of Sir Henry Lawrence and the administration of Oudh, was a European battalion and a large native force. Wheeler, greatly experienced in the sepoy army, realized that his troops were likely to mutiny, and that it must be a race against time. He was encumbered with a large number of women and children. It was essential to find a place of ref uge, and choice lay between a fortified magazine a long way from the cantonment at the other side of the native city, or of forti fying some disused hospital buildings on the parade ground. Be cause of the difficulty of moving to the magazine, and of the importance of being easily reached by reinforcements expected early from the south, he decided on the latter. A company of the 32nd Foot from Lucknow came in to help garrison the entrenchment, into which most of the Europeans moved on May 2 i. On May 31, about i 5o men of the 84th Foot from Burma and a few Madras Fusiliers arrived. Believing that the crisis was pass ing, Sir Hugh sent a company of the 84th on to Lucknow. The total force of possible combatants in the entrenchment now was some 45o men, including civilian Europeans and Eurasians, with six guns, but there were 33o women and children. On June 4 and 5, the sepoys mutinied and marched for Delhi. But there lived, near Cawnpore, one Dundoo Punt, the Nana Sahib, adopted son of the who prevailed on the mutineers to return and attack the entrenchment, which they did on the 6th.

From the 6th to the 24th the garrison held out against heavy bombardment, and at last, worn out with heat and sickness, sur rendered on promise of safe conduct by boat to Allahabad. Then followed the infamous massacre at the boats, and the collection of women and children to be murdered later. Neil and his Madras Fusiliers, pushing up from the railhead by bullock train and route march through great heat and heavy rain, first reached Benares in time to quell a mutiny there, and then threw himself into Allahabad, still garrisoned by a few artillery invalids and some Sikhs. Here he collected supplies, pushed parties up the road, and awaited Havelock, who was able to leave Allahabad on July 7, some of his troops moving by road and some by steamer. After several engagements with the mutineers Havelock heavily defeated their main force outside Cawnpore on the i6th, to find that all the women and children had been hacked to death in a small house known as the "Bibi-ghar" the night before. Their bodies, some still breathing, were thrown down an adjacent well, on which now stands an enduring monument. No act in the Mutiny raised so fierce a storm of anger.

At Lucknow, the headquarters of Sir Henry Lawrence and the administration of Oudh, the British still held out. Up till June 30, though there had been mutinies in Lucknow and in the neighbourhood, the garrison were not beleaguered. On the 3oth Sir Henry, moving out to attack the mutineers at Chinhut, im mediately incurred disaster, which not only severely crippled the force of Europeans, but compelled Lawrence to abandon out lying positions and concentrate in the group of houses known as the Residency. The garrison, 1,72o fighting men, of whom 712 were loyal sepoys, and 153 civilian volunteers, were now hotly beleaguered. Unfortunately Sir Henry Lawrence was fatally wounded by a shell on July 4, the command devolving on Briga dier Inglis. Gen. Havelock at Cawnpore was compelled to wait for reinforcements, and to collect carriage and supplies. It was not till late in September that he was able to advance to Luck now. By the 25th he had reached the Residency, a reinforcement enabling the garrison to hold a less restricted area, but it had to remain for many weeks before the actual relief could come up.

In the meantime Sir Colin Campbell had arrived. By Nov. 3, he reached Cawnpore and was ready with 4,50o men to advance on Lucknow. That city had become the focus of rebellion of all who had not hurried to Delhi, and 6o,000 armed men were col lected round the devoted Lucknow garrison and its reinforce ments. By Nov. 12, the force reached the Alumbagh, and by the i 4th advanced on Lucknow. On the i6th the Sikandrabagh was stormed and Campbell joined hands with Outram and Havelock. The commander-in-chief had decided to withdraw the garrison and all its helpless folk at once, and to leave a strong force out side the city till he was prepared to attack the whole of the Lucknow rebel concentration. The success was marred by the death of the heroic Havelock, who was laid to his rest in the Alum bagh, in which Sir James Outram with 4,00o men was left to face the masses of the rebels till Sir Colin was ready.

The Campaign in Oudh and Central India.—Returning to Cawnpore with the rescued people, the chief was in time to save that important place from a sudden attack by the Gwalior rebels—and the second phase of the Mutiny, that of the coming of the reinforcements and the reopening of the Great Trunk road had now been accomplished. Cawnpore had been avenged and Lucknow relieved, while in the far north Delhi had fallen and 'The deposed and pensioned chief of the Mahratta confederacy who lived in exile near Cawnpore.

the Delhi troops were marching south. It was not, however, till March, 1858, that Sir Colin had enough troops for his purpose, when Jang Bahadur, the prime minister of Nepal, had also arrived with i o,000 Ghurkas. The attack on the masses entrenched at Lucknow began on the 9th and partook of the nature of a siege, lasting till the i6th, when the city was in British hands and the whole rebel army routed. It was the brilliant campaign of Sir Hugh Rose in Central India which destroyed the last mutinous forces in being and clinched the suppression of the Mutiny.

The Central Indian Campaign.

Though the two great princes of Central India, Sindhia and Holkar, wisely and fortu nately remained true to the British, troops belonging to both of them joined the mutineers. The Gwalior contingent of Sind hia's army mutinied in the middle of June, and on July 1 Holkar's troops revolted at Indore, and the resident, Henry Durand, was forced to leave the residency. The rani of Jhansi also rose in rebellion, to become known as "the best man upon the side of the enemy." The rising in this quarter received little attention until Jan. 1858, when Sir Hugh Rose was given the command of two brigades, to act in concert with Sir Colin Campbell, ana he im mediately began a campaign which for celerity and effectiveness has rarely been equalled in India. Advancing rapidly from Bombay, Sir Hugh Rose relieved Saugor on Feb. 3, after it had been invested by the rebels for upwards of seven months. On March 3, he forced the pass of Madanpur, and took the whole of the enemy's defences in rear, throwing them into panic. On the 21 st he began the siege of Jhansi, the stronghold of the mutineers in Central India, with a garrison of i i,000 men. During the course of the siege Tantia Topi, the most capable native leader of the Mutiny, arrived with a fresh force of 20,000 men, and threatened the British camp; but Sir Hugh Rose, with a boldness which only success could justify, divided his force, and while still maintaining the siege of the fort, attacked Tantia Topi with only 1,50o men and completely routed him. This victory was won on April 1, and two days later Sir Hugh carried Jhansi by assault. On May I the battle of Kunch was fought and won in a tempera ture of i io in the shade, many of the combatants on both sides being struck down by heat apoplexy. On May 22, the battle of Kalpi was won. In five months he had beaten the enemy in 13 general actions and sieges, and had captured some of the strongest forts in India. News now arrived that the rebel army under Tantia Topi and the rani of Jhansi had attacked Sindhia, whose troops had gone over to the rebels and delivered Gwalior into their hands. Sir Hugh marched against Gwalior at once, captured the Morar cantonments on June 16 and carried the whole of the Gwalior positions by assault on the 19th, thus restoring his state to Sindhia within io days of taking the field. This was the crown ing stroke of the Central India campaign, and practically put an end to the Mutiny, though the work of stamping out its embers went on for many months, and was completed only with the cap ture and execution of Tantia Topi in April, 1859.

Nature of the Indian Mutiny.

The Indian Mutiny was in no sense universal. In the first place it practically occurred only in Bengal, Central India, the north-west provinces along the Ganges, Oudh and the Punjab, viz., those provinces garrisoned by the Bengal army and its off-shoots. The Madras line stood firm as did almost all that of Bombay. Seditious movements among the Mahrattas were kept in hand. Even in the affected districts the great mass of the people either stood neutral, wait ing with the immemorial patience of the East to accept the yoke of the conqueror, or helped the British troops with food and service, in many cases also sheltering British fugitives to the best of their ability. The attempt to throw off the British yoke was confined to a few disaffected ex-rulers and their heirs, with their numerous clansmen and hangers-on, besides the badmashes and highwaymen who saw their way to profit by the removal of the British administration under which their peculiar talents found no outlet. The Bengal native army was their tool. But the fighting races of the Punjab saw no reason for casting in their lot with the mutineers, and the great majority of the independent princes who had nothing of which to complain, like Patiala and Jhind in the Punjab, preserved a loyal or at least an interested friendship.

The Sikhs showed their appreciation of Lawrence's admirable ad ministration by keeping faith with their recent conquerors, and the Gurkhas of Nepal did yeoman service for their fathers' ene mies.

The chief result of the Indian Mutiny was the end of the gov ernment of India by the East India company. It was felt that a system of administration which could permit such a catastrophe was no longer desirable. On Aug. 2, 1858, the queen signed the act which transferred the government of India to the crown. On Nov. I, Lord Canning, then viceroy of India, published the noble proclamation in which the change was announced, and a full amnesty was offered to all the rebels who had not been leaders in the revolt or were not guilty of the murder of British subjects. The natives of India at large gratefully accepted the queen's proclamation as the charter of their lives and liberties, and a suitable opening to a new order.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.—Kaye's and Malleson's History of the Indian MuBibliography.—Kaye's and Malleson's History of the Indian Mu- tiny of 18S7-8 (ed. by G. B. Malleson 1888-89) ; Sir O. T. Burne, Clyde and Strathnairn (1891), Rulers of India series, No. xxiii. (ed. by Sir W. W. Hunter, 189o, etc.) ; Sir H. Cunningham, Earl Canning (1891), Rulers of India series, No. xxiv.; G. W. Forrest, The Indian Mutiny. Selections from the Letters, Despatches, and other State Papers . . . in the Military Department of the Government of India 4 vol. (Calcutta, 1893-1912), and A History of the Indian Mutiny (1904 12) ; Lord Roberts, Forty-one Years in India (34th ed. 1901) ; and Letters written during the Indian Mutiny (1924) ; R. S. Rait, The Life and Campaigns of ... Viscount Gough (19o3) ; Sir W. L. Warner, The Life of the Marquis of Dalhousie (19o4), and Memoirs of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wylie Norman (1908) ; Sir E. Wood, Articles and Correspondence in The Times (Sept. 3o—Oct. 21, 1907) ; R. B. Smith, Life of Lord Lawrence (1912) ; T. R. E. Holmes, A History of the Indian Mutiny (1904-12) ; F. Sedgwick, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (rev. ed. 192o) ; "The Mutiny Day by Day, being extracts from the Letters of General Sir Archdale Wilson," in the Journal of the United Service Institution of India, Nos. 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228 (Simla, Sept. 30—Oct. 21, 1907) ; A. B. Keith, Speeches and Documents on Indian Policy, 1750-1921, vol. i., World's Classics, vol. ccxxxi. (1922) . (G. MA.)

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