CRISES AND STABILIZATION The Matteotti Murder.—Parliament was opened by the king on May 24, 1924. After his overwhelming victory at the polls Mussolini held out the olive branch to the Opposition parties, and everything seemed to point to a return to normal political conditions; but on June 10 the Socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti, secretary of the Unitario group, mysteriously disap peared, and a day or two later it was discovered that he had been kidnapped in a motor-car by Dumini, Volpi and other Fascists of shady antecedents and carried off to an unknown destination. The kidnappers, suspected of complicity in attacks on other anti-Fascist leaders, were caught at once, and four prominent Fascists—Mar inelli, the administrative secretary of the party; Filippelli, editor of the Corriere italiano; Cesare Rossi, head of the official press bureau; and Naldi, the editor of the Nuovo Paese—were also arrested as accomplices. The body of Matteotti was discovered on June 13 buried in a lonely spot 2okm. from Rome.
The affair created a sensation, and the Opposition deputies and press seized on it to indulge in the gravest accusations against all the leading Fascists. On June 15 the Opposition deputies with drew from the Chamber, stating that they would not return until the Matteotti mystery, and the supposed complicity of the Gov ernment in the affair, had been cleared up. The Opposition by this "withdrawal on to the Aventine"' hoped to render parlia mentary business impossible and to exploit the consternation aroused by the crime to upset the Fascist Government. Among the persons more directly accused was Aldo Finzi, under-secretary for the Interior; he immediately resigned, and his resignation was accepted, but when he brought libel actions against his accusers they were unable to prove their case by evidence.
The Chamber was adjourned, and on the 16th Federzoni was transferred from the Colonial ministry to that of the Interior : he immediately cleared the department of the doubtful elements who had taken advantage of their connection with it for purposes of their own. On the 3oth various cabinet changes were effected.
The Opposition saw in the Matteotti affair a chance of mobiliz ing a part of the nation against the Government, and secured the support of many who had adhered to Fascism only as long as they had believed it to be invincible, and were ready to abandon it the moment they thought that its days were numbered. Or lando, who had been elected on the Government list, and Gio litti, who had declared himself benevolently independent, joined the Opposition, professedly on constitutional grounds, but did not withdraw from the Chamber. The "Aventine" groups on June 27 confirmed their abstention from parliamentary activity, demanded the disbanding of the Milizia nazionale, and the repres sion of all acts of violence by Fascists (without mentioning those committed by non-Fascists) ; their unofficial leader was Giovanni Amendola. The conduct of the constitutional Opposition, in ally ing itself with the revolutionary Socialists and the•Popolari ex tremists, was much criticized even in non-Fascist circles. The directorate of the ex-combatants' association also assumed an attitude of veiled hostility to the Government, and as this created a sharp division within its ranks the -Government dissolved the directorate and placed a temporary board in charge.
The press campaign reached an unparalleled degree of violence, Don Sturzo's Popolo vying with the Socialist Avanti and Amen dola's Mondo, and was a direct incitement to many acts of vio lence committed against Fascists. Mussolini therefore decided on July 8 to call into force the decree of July 12, 1923, drafted by the Duke of Cesaro, and the prefects were ordered to apply Art. 3 of the Communal and Provincial law, whereby in the in terests of public order they were empowered to confiscate issues of papers containing seditious matter or incitements to violence. This measure was afterwards completed by the royal decree of March 4, 1926. Several Liberal and Democratic organs which systematically attacked the Government were acquired by pro Fascists, including the Corriere della Sera, of Milan, the Giornale d'Italia of Rome, and the Mattino of Naples. Several Opposition papers continued to exist, including the Democratic Mondo, the Voce Repubblicana, the Avanti, etc. An important reform was carried out in the Milizia nazionale which, in accordance with the decree of Aug. 4, swore allegiance to the king on Oct. 28.
In the field of foreign affairs a treaty was concluded with Brit ain whereby the Transjuba territory was ceded to Italy. There had been a previous agreement to that effect, but the British Foreign Office had raised difficulties, claiming that the question should be settled together with that of the Dodecanese; the Italian Government persuaded Ramsay MacDonald that the two ques tions were wholly unconnected, and the treaty was signed on July 15, 1924, Italy securing a lager area than had been at first contemplated. Ratifications were exchanged on May r, /925.
The Government's position had been undoubtedly shaken by the Matteotti affair, hot no evidence was produced implicating any of its members in it, and Mussolini parried the attack with consummate skill. The Fascist party, except for an insignificant 1 number of defections, rallied round him solidly, and after the first bewilderment non-party opinion continued its support of him. The country tended to calm down, in spite of occasional regrettable incidents provoked by both sides, of which the most serious was the murder of the Fascist deputy Casalini by a Corn 'An allusion to the withdrawal of the Roman plebs on to the Aven tine hill as a protest against the aristocracy. Opposition deputies did not, as was often reported in the foreign press, actually meet on the the Aventine.
monist on Sept. 12, 1924. The Chamber opened on Nov. 12, Orlando and the Communists being present, while later Giolitti's attack on the Government for its unconstitutional methods caused some surprise as coming from a statesman who while in office had proved a past-master in the art of violating the Constitu tion, On Dec 20 the premier presented a bill to parliament pro viding for the re-establishment of the old one-member constitu ency system, eventually passed by 307 votes to 33, and approved by the Senate on Feb. ro, 1925. This measure divided the "Aven tine," as the Democrats and Liberals were in favour of it, while the Socialists and Popolari were proportionalists. In his speech in the Chamber on Jan. 3, 1925, Mussolini reaffirmed the uncom promising policy of Fascism, rejecting all alliances, and stated that the government was determined to Fascisitizzare the State, and that if the Opposition did not abstain from factious violence severe repressive measures would be resorted to. These declara tions induced Salandra to withdraw his support, although, like Orlando and Giolitti, he did not retire on to the "Aventine"; a part of his group (the Liberal Right) broke away and formed the pro-Fascist National Liberals. In March Roberto Farinacci was appointed general secretary of the Fascist Party, which he pro ceeded to reorganize, giving it a rigidly intransigent character. His speeches and articles represented the extremist attitude of Fascism.
The bill presented by the minister of war, Gen. Di Giorgio, for reorganizing the army, encountered much opposition in military circles and in the Senate. Gen. Di Giorgio therefore resigned, and Mussolini himself took charge of the War Ministry ad interim, with Gen. Cavallero as under-secretary; Gen. Badoglio was ap pointed chief of the staff and entrusted with the co-ordination of the army, navy and air force. On May 5 Admiral Thaon di Revel resigned, and Mussolini took over the Ministry of Marine and the newly created Air Ministry as well, with Admiral Sirianni and Gen. Bonzani as under-secretaries. This arrangement was re garded as leading the way to a future Ministry of National De fence. A great manifestation in honour of the king's jubilee was held on June 7, and it was generally recognized that the prestige of the monarchy had been greatly strengthened by the Fascist regime.
The decision of the Senate judicial committee, rendered on June 12, 1925, on Donati's charges against Gen. De Bono, acquit ted the latter of guilt in connection with the Matteotti affair and of the other more serious accusations, only certain minor counts being declared not proven. In consequence of the success of the Fascist list at the Palermo municipal election, on May 2, 1925, Orlando resigned his seat. His withdrawal from politics made very little impression, as he had already to a very large extent lost his political influence. The findings of the prosecuting section of the Court of Appeal on the Matteotti case in Dec. 1925, while com mitting Dumini and four accomplices to trial for murder, excluded premeditation and exonerated members of the Government and officials from complicity. Cesare Rossi, Marinelli and Filip pelli were consequently set free. The trial of the five accused men was ended on March 24, I96, at Chieti. Dumini, Volpi and Poveromo were found guilty of non-premeditated unintentional homicide extenuated by the subnormal physical resistance of Mat teotti by other circumstances ; Viola and Malacria were found not guilty. The sentence on Dumini, Volpi and Poveromo was S years i r months and 20 days' penal servitude of which four years were remitted later under an amnesty and one year and nine months had been already served in awaiting trial. They had therefore to serve only two months and 20 days' imprisonment.
In order to bring southern Italy up to the standard of the more progressive north a series of measures were enacted for co-ordinating agricultural land reclamation, drainage, the building of roads and railways, etc., for which adequate funds were pro vided and a suitable civil service organization created. The wheat crop of 1925 had beaten all records, amounting to 65,000,000 quintals (the pre-war average was 49,000,000), but Mussolini was determined to spare no efforts to increase the output, partly as a measure for stabilizing the lira ; all forms of encouragement to producers were adopted and various agricultural measures en acted, constituting what was known as "the battle for whea." Fascist Legislation.—Of the political Fascist measures the following were the most important : In order to eliminate the influence of freemasonry in the ad ministrative and political life of the country often inspired by foreign interests, a law was enacted in Dec. 1925 whereby all associations were obliged to communicate their statutes and their membership lists to the authorities, and, should secret societies continue nevertheless to exist, civil servants were forbidden to belong to them on pain of dismissal. The result was that free masonry dissolved itself. The law of Jan. 31, 1926, provided that Italians living abroad who committed acts calculated to promote sedition in Italy or injure Italian interests should be deprived of Italian citizenship, and in the graver cases even of their property.
By the law of Nov. 1925 the Government was empowered for one year to dismiss from the public service officials who corn mitted overt acts against the State and existing institutions or attempted to prevent the enforcement of the laws or to frustrate its policy.
The unsatisfactory results of the system of municipal elections induced the Government to enact measures for placing the local administrations under the authority of a Podesta appointed by royal decree. The law of Oct. 28, 1925, provided for the appoint ment of a governor of Rome, assisted by an advisory council; that of Feb. 4, 1926, placed communes of less than 5,000 inhabi tants under a Podesta, while that of Sept. 3, 1926, extended it to all communes.
The authority of the prefects was strengthened with a view to co-ordinating the various provincial services, while the advisory provincial economic councils were created (law of March 1926) to assist the prefects and the Government in all matters of an eco nomic character. The law of Dec. 24, 1925, conferred greater power of parliamentary initiative on the prime minister and other wise extended his authority; it also provided for the infliction of penalties for committing offences against him.
The most important measure was the law of April 3, 1926, whereby the economy syndicates were recognized and invested with the right of legally representing the various categories (em ployers, workers, employees, professional men, landlords, peasants, experts, etc.), and all labour conflicts were referred to the labour tribunals attached to courts of appeal; strikes and lock-outs were declared illegal, and persons promoting them or participating in them were liable to penalties. Thirteen corporations representing the various economic and professional activities were also created.
Although most of the "Aventinians" continued to remain absent from the Chamber, the groups led by Salandra and Giolitti were present, together with Orlando's followers and the Communists. The unity of the Aventiniani was gradually breaking up through internal dissensions and personal jealousy. The general internal situation continued to improve, although affrays between Fascists and anti-Fascists occurred from time to time. The most serious of these was the attack on Amendola (q.v.) near Montecatini, in the summer of 1925, and the outbreak in Florence on Oct. 3, when as the result of the murder of the Fascist provincial secretary Luporini by a leading freemason, the latter and two Communists were murdered by Fascists, and the shops and offices of several persons supposed to be freemasons were wrecked. In March 1926 Farinacci resigned from the secretaryship of the Fascist party, and was succeeded by Augusto Turati ; on April 23 it was decided to admit no new recruits to the party. Admission can only be se cured by those who have been through the youth organizations.
The object of these various measures and of the general policy of the Government is to give stability and an essentially Fascist character to the State and its institutions. It is a policy similar to that of the men of the Risorgimento who succeeded in getting the then novel ideas of the unity and independence of Italy accepted by the mass of the people, who had until that time been indifferent or opposed to them.
It has now been replaced by the law of 1939.
The senate remains unchanged.
At a meeting of the Fascist Grand Council on Sept. 19, 1928, the powers and composition of that body were definitely laid down. Its chairman is the prime minister and its members are all the ministers and certain under-secretaries, the Quadrumviri of the March on Rome, the presidents of the senate and the Chamber, the commander of the Milizia nazionale, the general secretary and certain other high officers of the Fascist party, the president of the special tribunal, the presidents of the confederation of workers' syndicates, of the agricultural confederation and of the industrial confederation, and of various other Governmental and semi official organizations. The prime minister can summon other persons to be temporary members of the Grand Council for special purposes. The functions of the Grand Council are to ratify the lists of candidates to parliament according to article 5 of the new electoral law, to decide on the statutes, standing orders and policy of the Fascist party, and to appoint and revoke its chief officers. It is to be consulted on all matters affecting the Constitution, including the prerogatives of the Crown, the succession to the throne, the composition and functions of the senate and the Chamber, the prerogatives and powers of the prime minister, organization, relations between Church and State, and international treaties involving territorial changes. Under the electoral law of May 1928 (now abrogated) it ratified the list of candidates to the Chamber of deputies. The Grand Council is further called upon to draft and keep up to date lists of persons to be submitted to the Crown, in case of a vacancy, for the succession to the premier ship, and also a list of persons whom it deems suitable to fill other vacancies in the cabinet. This scheme finally welds the Fascist party and the State into a single unit, and also provides for the continuity of the regime.
A sensation was caused on Nov. 5, 1925, when it was announced that a plot had been discovered to murder Mussolini. The Socialist ex-deputy Zaniboni, was arrested in a room in a hotel commanding the Palazzo Chigi, armed with a rifle with which, as he confessed, he intended to shoot the premier. Gen. Capello (q.v.), ex-com mander of the II. Army, an active freemason and a bitter oppo nent of the Government, was arrested for complicity in the attempt. Both were eventually condemned to 3o years' imprison ment. Mussolini was greeted with enthusiastic demonstrations in consequence of his escape. Another attempt on his life was made by the Hon. Violet Gibson, a demented Irishwoman, on April 7, 1926, on the eve of his departure for Tripoli. The premier was slightly wounded in the nose, but proceeded nevertheless on his journey to visit Italy's North African colony. Miss Gibson was sent back and arrived without further incident in England in May 1927.
The policy of the Fascist Government to enforce the teaching of Italian in the schools of the Alto Adige, and otherwise to give an Italian character to this district inhabited by 18o,000 to 200,000 Germans, aroused irritation in Germany, and the pan-German ele ments voiced by Held, the Bavarian premier, promoted an agita tion against Italy, advocating a boycott of Italian goods, and ac cusing the Italian authorities of terrorizing the population. Musso lini on Feb. 6, 1926, delivered a vigorous speech in the Chamber denouncing this campaign and warning the German Government that unless it ceased Italy would not hesitate to adopt strong measures. This outburst caused widespread excitement abroad, but achieved its object, Stresemann replying in a very minor tone.
The year 1925 was proclaimed by Pope Pius XI. an Anno Santo, and over i,000,000 pilgrims flocked to Rome from all parts of the world. The Italian Government and the Roman municipality col laborated with the Vatican in organizing the transport of the pil grims and in making arrangements for their stay. Imposing cere monies were held in St. Peter's and the other churches, undis turbed by any untoward incident. Suggestions were made from time to time for an official conciliation between the State and the Vatican, and although a solution was not reached till 1929, the question was now discussed in a far more friendly spirit than formerly, and the territorial aspirations of the Holy See were no longer stressed. In April 1928 a dispute arose in connection with a meeting in the Capitol of the Centro nazionale, a Catholic political organization which had adhered to Fascism ; the pope reprimanded it for not having paid homage to him, and while admitting that Fascism had done much good to religion, denied that under the new regime the Church was enjoying a golden age. The Government made no reply, but shortly afterwards issued a decree dissolving the Catholic boy scouts, and providing that all such activities shall be concentrated in the Fascist Balilla organ ization. But, apart from this and other similar occasional mis understandings, relations between the Church and the State have continued to improve, the Fascist Government attaching particular importance to conciliating the Vatican.
Two further unsuccessful attempts were made on Mussolini's life, one by the anarchist Lucetti in Rome on Sept. 11, 1926, and the other at Bologna on Oct. 31 by a youth named Zamboni ; Lucetti was arrested and eventually condemned to 3o years' im prisonment, while Zamboni was lynched by the infuriated crowd. These new outrages aroused the greatest indignation throughout the country, and led to insistent demands for more rigorous measures against what was regarded as an attempt to destroy Fascist Italy. Reprisals against prominent anti-Fascist individuals and newspapers were carried out, but they all were immediately repressed; the Fascist Grand Council on Nov. 5 severely stigma tized them and proceeded to a rigorous revision of the party lists, expelling all members who were deemed unworthy. On the same day the prime minister announced a bill containing various pro visions for the protection of the State, viz., the dissolution of the anti-national party organizations (Socialists, Communists and Re publicans), the suppression of seditious newspapers, the application of the death penalty for attempts on the life of the king, the queen, the crown prince or the premier and for the graver forms of high treason, varying terms of imprisonment for lesser political crimes, the institution of the confino (relegation to a fixed place of residence) for persons of notoriously seditious activities, and for persons deriving their livelihood from usury, the illicit earnings of women, and other immoral sources, and the creation of a special tribunal of summary jurisdiction for trying graver political crimes. The bill, voted by the Chamber and the Senate, became law on Dec. Is. The Chamber on Nov. 9 voted that the "Aventinian" deputies who had refused to fulfil their parliamentary duties, should be deprived of their seats. There remained three small groups of opponents consisting of the followers of the ex-premiers—Salandra, Giolitti and Orlando—whose opposition, however, was very moderate. These various measures were professedly of a temporary nature, enacted to cover a period of transition from the old regime to the new Fascist State. In order to give greater unity to the conduct of the country's policy, Mussolini took over the Ministry of the Interior from Federzoni, who returned to the Colonial Ministry. On Dec. 8 the Fascio littorio was declared an official emblem, thereby further identifying Fascism with the State.
During the last months of the year there had been considerable activity in the field of foreign affairs. On Sept. 3o a meeting between Mussolini and Sir Austen Chamberlain took place on a yacht off Leghorn, where the chief international problems were discussed. On Nov. 24 a treaty of commerce was concluded with Greece. A treaty of conciliation and arbitration was concluded with Germany on Dec. 29, 1926.
On Nov. 6 a loan was issued for the conversion of the short-term Treasury bills into consolidated Government bonds. In Feb. 1927 the leaders of the old General Confederation of Labour declared their acceptance of the Fascist syndical regime. On April 23 the Charter of Labour was promulgated, constituting a new code of the rights and duties of employers and workers.
Other treaties of conciliation and arbitration were concluded, while on March 8 Italy ratified the treaty assigning Bessarabia to Rumania ; against this act Soviet Russia lodged a protest on the 19th. In China an Italian force was landed to co-operate with the British in the pro tection of Shanghai.
Since Mussolini's speech at Pesaro on Aug. 18, 1926, there had been a rapid revaluation in the lira from about 125 to the to 90. Although this improvement had many advantages, it produced certain temporary drawbacks, especially by the reduction of the profits of the export trade and a consequent increase of unemployment. Various measures were enacted for bringing down the cost of living, salaries, wages and rents, while taxes were reduced by over a milliard. But the decrease of prices was inevitably slow, and the possibility of further improve ments in the currency made the business world chary of new invest ments. Foreign capital, however, had begun to flow into Italy, espe cially for hydro-electric development (I,000,000,000 lire from the U.S.A. alone), and a budget surplus for 1926-27 of 405 millions was announced. In the autumn of 1927 the Government decided that the time for the stabilization of the currency on a gold basis had arrived. The operation was carried out by an agreement between the Banca d'Italia, the Bank of England and the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank, concluded in London on Dec. 21. The Banca d'Italia, which had be come the sole bank of issue, secured a reserve in gold of equivalent currencies amounting to 57% of the paper circulation, and the Italian lira was declared convertible into gold at the rate of 92.46 to the f. (19 to the dollar). Stabilization had been made possible by sound finance, steady agricultural and industrial development, and the conse quent confidence of the foreign financial world.
France and Yugoslavia.--Relations with Yugoslavia have undergone a series of vicissitudes. The treaty of friendship and cordial collaboration concluded on Jan. 27, 1924, for five years was followed by a commercial treaty, a consular convention and sundry other agree ments in July—August of the same year concluded at Belgrade, which were duly ratified. On July 20, 1925, another series of agreements concerning the status of Italians in Dalmatia and of Yugoslays in Fiume and other matters were signed at Nettuno. But the Yuloslav Government for a long time specifically refused to ratify them, a fact which tended to embitter relations between the two countries which the 1924 treaties had apparently placed on a more satisfactory basis. A pact of friendship and security with Albania was concluded on Nov. 27, 1926. Yugoslavia was jealous of Italian influence in Albania, where the President (in 1928, King) Ahmed Bey Zogu, who had come into power with Yugoslav help, was now friendlier to Italy than to Yugo slavia. Italy denounced to the other Powers Yugoslavia's military preparations on the Albanian frontier as a menace to that country's integrity. Yugoslavia thereupon (Nov. 7, 1927) concluded a treaty of friendship with France; although the agreement had been previously initialled and did not in itself contain any dangerous clauses, the moment chosen for its conclusion was regarded in Italy as an un friendly act and it was interpreted in Yugoslavia as a sort of carte blanche given to her by France for an anti-Italian policy, which was evidently not the intention of the French Government. Italy replied by concluding a treaty of alliance with Albania on Nov. 22, 1927. This treaty caused considerable irritation in Yugoslavia, but the French Government appears to have used its influence at Belgrade in a moderating sense, and Franco-Italian relations were improved subse quently by the public declarations of Briand and Mussolini, and by the suppression by the French Government of the Corriere degli Ita liani, the bitterest of the seditious revolutionary papers published in France. The Nettuno conventions aroused a violent outcry in certain extremist groups, especially in Croatia and Dalmatia, where a number of outrages against Italians were committed. The Belgrade Govern ment repressed them with energy, with the result that the quarrel assumed the aspect of a Serbo-Croat conflict rather than an inter national one. The conventions were presented to the Skuptchina and voted, and ratifications exchanged on Aug. 13, 1928. Since then Italo Yugoslav relations have become more normal.
Other treaties of friendship, conciliation and arbitration have been concluded by Italy since the advent of the Fascist Government with several foreign countries. The treaty with Switzerland is regarded as a model of such instruments. (L. V.) The years from the beginning of 1929 to the end of 1934 were dominated by the world economic crisis, the effects of which, though felt in Italy somewhat later than in many other countries and rendered less disastrous by a series of energetic Government measures, nevertheless profoundly affected Italian life. The budget deficits, which were a feature of public finances before the rise to power of Fascism, again made their appearance, unemployment soared to hitherto unprecedented levels, the balance of international payments persistently showed a deficit, exports greatly decreased, the level of wages fell.
Though shortage of funds necessarily curtailed many initiatives, the Fascist regime has lost nothing of its revolutionary urge. The necessity of facing grave unemployment resulted in the adoption of vast public works, especially in the fields of land-reclamation (the redemption of the Pontine Marshes is a notable example) ; improvement of highways, ports and industrial equipment ; electrification of railroads, and build ing, both private and public. The "Battle for Wheat," to render Italy independent of foreign cereals, was energetically pursued and, in the year 1933 resulted in a bumper crop.
The banking system has been totally reformed and the banks placed on a solid foundation ; two Government-controlled institutions have been created for aiding vital industries in momentary difficulties and for liquidating the ones that are unfit to survive ; the situation of the Treasury was relieved in 1934 by the conversion from 5 to 3.5% of Italy's huge internal Consolidated Loan of approximately 6o,000,000, 000 Lire (at present rate of exchange 1 lira=8.5 cents), but the benefits of this reform proved to be short-lived, for a conversion back to 5% was effected in 1935 under the stress of the Ethiopian campaign.
The Fascist Corporative State.—Great strides were also taken toward the realization of the "Corporative State," which Mussolini considers the greatest achievement of Fascism. Starting from the premise that pure capitalism has proved its incapacity to deal with present-day problems and that, at the other end of the scale, Com munism, as practiced in Soviet Russia, is repugnant to Western European and American nations, it seeks to evolve a political, social and economic alternative to both capitalism and communism.
In the Fascist Corporative State, the Government exercises strict supervision over the whole productive process of the nation, maintain ing private enterprise but reserving the right to intervene when it appears inadequate. The local interests of capital and labour are represented by Syndicates of employers and workers, grouped in their turn in 13 confederations, afterwards reduced to nine. The conditions of labour are laid down in collective labour contracts, the provisions of which are, if necessary, enforced by the Government, all disputes being submitted to compulsory arbitration by specially instituted Labour Courts. A National Council of Corporations, composed of about 170 members, acts as the general staff of the productive forces of the nation as a whole, while the Councils of the 22 Corporations (not to be confused with the above), composed of approximately 800 members, act as the general staff of each individual branch of pro duction. The operation of the whole system is supervised by the Ministry of Corporations. The Councils of the 22 Corporations are empowered to issue regulations affecting the branches of production under their control, which, after obtaining the approval of the National Council of Corporations, have the force of laws.
Conciliation of the Vatican and Italy.—The year 1929 dawned auspiciously with the conclusion, on Feb. 11, of the Treaties of Conciliation between the Vatican and Italy, ending over half a century of estrangement. The reconciliation with the Holy See has rightly been considered Mussolini's greatest diplomatic achievement.
The agreement between the Church and the State is based on the creation of the tiny independent Vatican City State (q.v.), over which the Pontiff exercises temporal rule. The agreement was accompanied by a financial convention, Italy paying to the Holy See 1,750,000,000 lire partly in cash and partly in Italian Consolidated Loan as com pensation for Church properties seized in 1870, and by a Concordat regulating the status of the Church and of religion in Italy.
Close on the heels of the Italo-Vatican conciliation, followed the first general election held under the "plebiscitary" system, whereby the Fascist Party presented to the electorate a list of 400 candidates to fill all the seats available in the Chamber and the voters were re quired merely to express their approval or disapproval of it by voting "yes" or "no." There were 8,800,000 votes recorded in favour of the Government list, and 16o,000 against it.
The non-renewal of the Italo-Yugoslav Treaty of friendship caused a revival of violent press campaigns on both sides of the Adriatic. The first steps were taken towards the policy of close friendship with Austria, an agreement being reached between Mussolini and Chancellor Schoeber, whereby Austria ceased to interest herself in the affairs of the Upper Adige (Southern Tyrol).
The economic depression began to be seriously felt in 1930, obliging the Government, towards the end of the year, to cut the salaries of all State employees by 12%. The wages of industrial workers were similarly reduced, while efforts were made, not always with complete success, to lower the cost of living.
In July, 1931, the new Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Pro cedure were issued. Their distinguishing feature is that they abolish trial by jury and reinstate the death penalty for a number of very serious crimes. The codes are based on the principle of free will, and consequently of responsibility, as opposed to the view that crime is principally the result of heredity and environment.
The tension with France consequent on the failure to solve the prob lem of naval parity at the London naval conference of 1933, at one time very acute, died down.
The Year 1933.—The year 1933 opened with two events which were considered highly auspicious in Italy, the appointment of Senator Henri de Jouvenel as French Ambassador in Rome and Hitler's rise to power in Germany. The first gave promise of a solution of the difficulties standing in the way of Italo-French friendship and the second seemed to usher in an era of close Italo-German co-operation. These hopes seemed about to be realized when, at the end of March, on the initiative of Mussolini and following a visit to Rome of the British Prime Minister, and of the British Foreign Minister, it was announced that negotiations had begun for the conclusion of a Four Power Pact, which was to knit England, France, Italy and Germany into a single unit for the preservation of peace. The Pact was con cluded and signed in Rome on July 15. The signatories agreed to consult on political and economic matters and to pursue a policy of effective collaboration, within the framework of the League of Na tions, for the maintenance of peace. Unfortunately it was never rati fied by the signatory Powers and has virtually been discarded.
The year 1933 also witnessed an intensification of the good relations between Italy, Austria and Hungary. On Aug. 19, Chancellor Dollfuss of Austria met Mussolini in Riccione and the visit was followed, on Oct. 9, by an Italian memorandum on the better economic organization of the Danubian States. The failure, which was becoming every day more evident, of the Disarmament Conference and the collapse of the London Economic Conference resulted in much dissatisfaction with the League of Nations. The Fascist Grand Council, in fact, on Dec. 6, announced that Italy's further stay in the League was dependent on a radical reform of that institution.
On July I, General Italo Balbo, the Minister of Aviation, left on a sensational flight with a squadron of 24 seaplanes from Orbetello to Chicago and back to Rome via New York. On his return, he was promoted Air Marshal, but resigned from the Air Ministry on Nov. 6, and was appointed Governor of Libya.
Italy and March 17, three protocols were signed in Rome by Mussolini, Chancellor Dollfuss and General Giimbiis, in which not only was a closer economic union created for the purpose of relieving the economic situation of Central Europe, but whereby the three signatories agreed to consult each other on all political questions of mutual interest. The first symptoms that all was not well between Italy and Germany became visible in 1934. Com plete harmony, however, appeared to have been re-established in a meeting between Mussolini and Hitler in Venice in June, in which the two dictators reached an agreement for closer co-operation, based on Hitler's undertaking to follow a "hands off" policy in Austria. But Italy's confidence in Germany was first seriously shaken by Hitler's "purge" of the Nazi Party on June 3o, and a complete break followed, on July 25, owing to the suspicion that the Austrian Nazi revolt, in which Chancellor Dollfuss was assassinated, had been organized in Germany. Four Italian divisions, totalling about 50,000 men were sent to the Austrian frontier in readiness to intervene if required. Dollfuss's death had the result of drawing Italy and Austria closer together, and at a series of meetings between Mussolini, Starhemberg, Schuschnigg and Gombos, the principle of Italo-Austro-Hungarian co-operation was reconfirmed.
Italy's break with Germany was followed by intense negotiations with France. A satisfactory understanding seemed about to be reached, when the French Foreign Minister, Louis Barthou, on the eve of his departure for Italy to sign the final agreement, was assassinated in Marseilles on Oct. 9. The negotiations were resumed with Barthou's successor, M. Laval, and in January 1935 resulted in an accord.
In 1934, Italy abandoned the last hope in the Disarmament Con ference. On Jan. 31, Italy issued a memorandum on this important question, in an effort to save what little could still be salvaged of the Conference. This step remained without practical results and the opinion gained ground in Italy that it was the duty of each country to provide for its own defence. This belief resulted in a supplementary appropriation on May 7, of 480,000,000 lire for naval constructions, in the decision on May 26 to lay down two new 35,000-ton battleships at a cost of i,000,000,000 lire and in the appropriation of another lire, to be spent in six years, for the complete renovation of Italy's air fleet. These measures were followed on Sept. 18, by a decree rendering military training of various degrees obligatory for all males from the age of 6 (when they are to receive instruction in the Fascist "Balilla" organization) to ten years after their period of com pulsory service.
On Feb. 18, Italy's consolidated loan, of over 6o,000,000,000 lire, was converted from 5 to 3.5%. On March 26, the second "plebiscitary" election was held and resulted in Lo,000,000 votes being cast for the Government and 15,000 against. On April 14, the economic situation forced the Government to reduce the salaries of all State employees by amounts from 6 to 12%, while the salaries of all members of the Cabinet were cut 20%.
The first warning sign of the storm to come was seen on Feb. 11, when Italy announced the mobilization of two divisions of the regular army, soon dispatched to Somaliland and Eritrea. The feeling that important events were impending increased on March 7, when Gen. Rodolfo Graziani, the most skilled of Italy's colonial officers, was appointed Governor of Italian Somaliland. The international horizon cleared somewhat in April, when Mr. MacDonald and Sir John Simon, for England, M. Flandin and M. Laval, for France, and Sig. Mussolini, for Italy, met in Stresa for a conference, which ended on April 14 with a re-affirmation of England's, France's and Italy's desire to collaborate.
On Jan. 3, Ethiopia had appealed to the League of Nations under Art. 15 of the Covenant. On March 59 Ethiopia again appealed to the League under Art. 15, but no action was taken, in the belief that the two parties would reach an understanding by direct negotiation. On March 29, on May 7, on May 31 and at intervals during the fol lowing months, Italy mobilized further divisions of the regular army and of black-shirt volunteers. On April 11 the Italian and Ethiopian Governments agreed to submit their controversy to a procedure of conciliation and a mixed commission met in Milan on June 6, and then in Scheveningen, Holland, on June 25. The conciliation commis sion, however, broke down on July 9.
Capt. Anthony Eden, the British Minister for League of Nations affairs, came to Rome on June 25 and submitted certain proposals to Signor Mussolini for a solution of the Italo-Ethiopian controversy, but they were rejected. This was followed on August 16 by an Anglo Franco-Italian conference in Paris, also barren of results. On July 22, meanwhile, Italy suspended the law making it obligatory for the Bank of Italy to keep its gold reserves to 40% of the circulation and on Aug. 3 the League decided to submit the Italo-Ethiopian con troversy to arbitration. M. Nicolas Politis of Greece was appointed arbitrator on August 59 and he handed down a decision on Sept. 3 that the responsibility for the Wal-Wal incident could be definitely attributed neither to Italy nor to Ethiopia.
On Sept. 7 Italy submitted to the League a memorandum, in which definite charges were proffered against Ethiopia and a sub-committee was appointed two days later to study it. On Sept. 19 a Five-Power committee of the League made proposals for the solution of the Italo Ethiopian controversy, which Ethiopia accepted and Italy refused. In the latter half of September a dangerous situation arose between Italy and England, owing to the concentration in the Mediterranean of the British home fleet and to the Italian resentment against this act, to which Italy replied by strengthening her garrisons in Libya. Britain did not accept the Italian proposal to ease the tension in the Mediter ranean by the withdrawal of a part of the British fleet and the simul taneous recall of one of three Italian divisions concentrated near the Egyptian frontier with Libya.
in September and early in October, events moved quickly. On Sept. 29 the Negus informed the League that he was about to order a general mobilization of his forces. On Oct. 2 Mus solini, speaking to a mass meeting of Fascists in Rome, made it plain that hostilities in East Africa were about to begin.
The expeditionary force amounted to 250,000 men in all. General De Bono, as commander-in-chief, took command on the northern and General Graziani on the southern front. No possible measure to ensure victory was neglected, ample supplies were provided and all sanitary precautions taken. On Oct. 3 the Italians crossed the border on the north, occupied Adowa on the 6th, Aksum on the i5th, and Makalle on Nov. 8, almost without encountering resistance. Haile Selassie Gugsa, the Negus's son-in-law, made submission to the Italians at the head of a number of followers. In the south the enemy opposed the Italian advance, but Dagnerei was occupied on Oct. 18 and Gorrahei on Nov. 4. The first phase of the campaign being now ended, De Bono was recalled and promoted marshal; Marshal Badoglio, chief of the general staff, took over the command.
In the meantime measures were taken at the League of Nations to force Italy to abandon the campaign. The Italian Government had submitted a memorandum to Geneva in defence of her action, but on Oct. 7 Italy was declared the aggressor. On the 59th a financial and economic blockade was decreed, an embargo on the sale of war material to Italy imposed and all exports from Italy excluded. On Nov. 18 these sanctions, under Article 16 of the Covenant, came into force. Italy reacted violently and adopted counter-sanctions excluding imports from sanctionist countries. The embargo on oil, advocated by the Canadian delegate and supported by Anthony Eden, was discussed at length, but not applied.
Nevertheless the British and French Governments were anxious to reach a settlement, and after a conversation between Sir Samuel Hoare and M. Laval a Franco-British plan was prepared whereby a part of Ethiopia was assigned to Italy and other parts placed under an in ternational protectorate. In Italy, although the plan was regarded as not wholly acceptable, it was considered capable of forming a basis for discussion. But a violent agitation against it in Great Britain so alarmed the British premier that he declared it dead, and it was in fact dropped at Geneva. Sir Samuel Hoare resigned in consequence, and Eden became foreign secretary. The tension became still more acute, as Italy attributed to Britain the initiative for the whole sanctions policy. In East Africa the advance continued without interruption. After five days' fighting at Ganale Doria the Abyssinians under Ras Desta were put to flight by Graziani's forces on Jan. 17, and on the loth Neghelli was reached, 38o kilometres from the line of departure. In the north an Italian and native force defeated Ras Kassa and Ras Seyum in the Tembien (Jan. 29-22), while another force advancing from Makalle attacked Ras Mulugheta's army at Enderta on Feb. II, and by the 15th achieved a complete victory; Mulugheta himself was killed while in flight by Galls rebels. A few days later (Feb. 28) the height of Amba Alagi, the scene of Major Toselli's heroic defence in 1895, was captured. The next day a second victory was won in the Tembien and the remnants of the previous action were dispersed. The last Abyssinian army under Ras Imru was defeated after a three days' battle in the Shire on March 2, determining the collapse of the whole northern front. Dankalia and Gondar were also occupied by flying columns.
A fresh League attempt to bring the war to an end failed like the others, and on April 15 the Eritrean army corps seized Dessie, while Graziani, after defeating Ras Nasibu in a fortnight's fight in the Ogaden, broke through the strongly fortified Sassabaneh-Bullaleh lines. On May 2 the Negus fled from Addis Ababa to Jibuti, the jails were opened, and the prisoners and the mob pillaged the capital and massacred numbers of people. In answer to an urgent appeal from the foreign legations Badoglio with a mechanized force hastened his advance over the mountains, entered the city on May 5 and restored order. The news was communicated by Mussolini to the vast crowds gathered in the Piazza Venezia in Rome, and on the 9th, after a meet ing of the Grand Council, he announced the proclamation of Italian sovereignty over Ethiopia, the King of Italy assuming the style of Emperor of Ethiopia. Badoglio was appointed Viceroy, but he was soon after succeeded by Graziani who had been promoted marshal. The Italian losses in the campaign amounted to 1,829 killed, while 2,955 had died of disease and other causes, out of a total force of 250,000 men.
Sanctions had been voted by 52 States, but several of them had been dropping out even before the war ended, while others had con tinued to trade with Italy in spite of them; now Eden informed the British House of Commons that he would propose their definite sup pression to the League, and in fact they were lifted on July 15.
Count Ciano, who had been under-secretary for propaganda, was now appointed minister of foreign affairs.
Italian rule soon extended over the whole of Ethiopia, and although bands of brigands continued to give trouble in certain parts of the country for some time, order was gradually established, the de‘elop ment of its resources was undertaken and numbers of Italian farmers settled in it. The only sensational episode was the attempt on Grazi ani's life and on that of a group of other high officials at Addis Ababa at a gathering for the distribution of alms (Feb. 20, 1937). The Vice roy and many others were severely wounded by bombs ; 2,000 arrests were made and a number of natives were executed for participation or complicity in the outrage. On Oct. 20 Graziani returned to Italy and was succeeded as Viceroy by the Duke of Aosta.
On July 18, 1936, the Spanish civil war broke out. The insurrection of the National forces against the Red regime aroused much sympathy in Italy, and when large and well equipped forces of foreign Com munists and quantities of war material and money were sent from Russia and other countries to assist the Madrid Government, Italian volunteers began to go to the help of General Franco. As early as August Italy had proposed that all Powers should undertake to abstain from intervention and refuse to allow volunteers to take part in the war, subscriptions to be raised or propaganda to be conducted in favour of either side; but other Governments rejected the proposal. No large body of Italians went to Spain until the end of 1936, when 6,000 landed at Cadiz, and on Feb. 6, 1937, they took part in the capture of Malaga. Other parties followed and co-operated in the campaign in the Basque provinces and other operations, greatly dis tinguishing themselves. On Nov. 18, 1937, Italy recognized General Franco's Government. The participation of Italian and other volun teers in Spain created considerable international tension. Their total number was at its highest about 5o,000, and by Oct. 1937 was reduced to 40,00o, whereas the foreigners with the Red armies were between 100,000 and 150,00o. The question of the withdrawal of the volunteers from both sides was hotly debated by the London Non-Intervention Committee, and on Nov. 4 Sig. Grandi stated that Italy would recall her volunteers if Franco were recognized as a belligerent. No decision was then taken.
On Feb. 12, 1937, the princess of Piedmont gave birth to a son, who thus became future heir to the throne.
In view of the depreciation of the chief foreign currencies the cabinet decided on Oct. 5 to reduce the value of the lira to the old rate of go to the pound. On the igth a new io% tax was imposed on the capital of limited liability companies. A new ministry for exchange and currency was created under Prof. Guarneri.
The Balilla youth organization was on Sept. 17 placed directly under the authority of the Fascist Party as the "Gioventii italiana del Littorio" (G. I. L.), which was to provide for the physical and military training of the youth of Italy.
The sanctions policy had detached Italy from the League of Nations more and more, and strengthened her ties with Germany. On Sept. 27, 1937, Mussolini paid a visit to Hitler in Germany, where he received a most cordial welcome. On Nov. 6 Italy joined the German-Japanese anti-Comintern Pact, and on Dec. II Mussolini announced the de cision to withdraw from the League. This policy coincided with an increased armaments program, in reply to similar measures by other Powers, and on Jan. 7, 1938, it was decided to lay down two 35,000, ton battleships, 12 scouts and a number of submarines. At the same time great efforts were made to improve relations with Great Britain. Italy's undertaking to withdraw all volunteers from Spain as soon as the war was over facilitated the settlement, and after the resignation of Eden (Feb. 20) conversations between Ciano and the British ambassador in Rome commenced on March 8. The British-Italian agreement was signed in Rome on April 16 ; it consisted of a declara tion, and eight protocols, plus a good neighbour agreement concerning East African frontier questions between Great Britain, Italy, and Egypt. The basis of the settlement was that the two countries agreed to restore their old friendship.
Mussolini's visit to Berlin was returned on May 3 when Hitler visited Rome, Naples, and Florence, thereby reaffirming the agreement between the two Powers known as the Rome-Berlin axis.
In September the crisis over the question of the Sudetens in Czecho slovakia aroused fears of a new world war, which might also involve Italy. On the 28th Mussolini received a message from Chamberlain asking him to use his good offices with the Fuehrer to induce him to delay action for 24 hours so as to permit of a meeting of the repre sentatives of the four great Powers concerned. Mussolini at once communicated with Hitler and secured his adherence to the proposal. The next day Chamberlain, Daladier and Mussolini met Hitler at Munich and an agreement was arrived at for the peaceful evacuation of the Sudeten area by the Czechs and its occupation by the Germans, who undertook not to annex any further territory. This decision brought about a détente which saved Europe, temporarily from a world war. On Oct. 9 the Grand Council proclaimed the efficacy of the Rome-Berlin axis in securing a peaceful settlement.
The Grand Council had also advocated on Oct. 6 certain measures limiting the professional activities of the Jews and excluding them from the fighting forces and the civil and educational services, owing to Jewish hostility to Fascist Italy ; these proposals were afterwards converted into law, but many exceptions were made in favour of Jews who had rendered signal services to the country. Two days later it approved a measure for promoting Italy's economic independence by encouraging the domestic production of many commodities formerly imported, so as to limit the export of currency.
After the Munich agreements a dispute arose over the frontiers between Hungary and Czechoslovakia, which was settled by the arbi tration award of Ciano and Ribbentrop issued in Vienna on Nov. 3 ; it assigned a notable part of the disputed territory to Hungary and was accepted by both parties.
On Nov. 16 the British-Italian agreements of April 16 came into force, Great Britain recognizing Italy's East African empire. In his speech on Italy's international situation in the Chamber of Deputies on the 30th Ciano alluded to her still unsatisfied aspirations, and several deputies shouted about Tunis, Suez, and Jibuti, while others added Corsica and Nice. Anti-French articles appeared in the press, but no responsible Italian political man took the matter up. French statesmen, including Daladier, delivered anti-Italian speeches, and the Italian Government retorted by denouncing the Italo-French agree ment of Jan. 1935 on the ground that it had never been executed by France, who bad violated its spirit by joining the sanctions campaign. Relations became more cordial in the autumn of 1939.
While great activity was concentrated on the development of Abyssinia, Libya was not neglected, and on Nov. 2, 20,000 Italian rural workers were settled on a number of previously prepared farms. The act converting the Chamber of Deputies into the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations, the members of which were to be men holding offices in the economic and labour corporations and certain other bodies, was approved by the Cabinet on Nov. 7, and the old Chamber broke up on Dec 15. The budget for showed a deficit of 4,755,000,000 lire to be covered by taxation and treasury bonds. The unfavourable balance of trade was reduced by 2,800,000,000 lire.
The visit to Rome of Neville Chamberlain and Lord Halifax (Jan. 51-14, 1939), who received a most cordial welcome, helped to place British-Italian friendship on a firm basis.
The Grand Council on Feb. 16 drafted a proposal for educational reform, afterwards embodied in the School Charter. The Central Corporative Committee, at the instance of the Duce, decreed on March II an increase of 6 to To% on wages and salaries, while prices were not to be raised. On March 23 the new Chamber met for the first time. The policy of land reclamation continued and on April the improvement of the Volturno basin commenced. On July 20 the Duce announced a measure for the conversion of the large estates of Sicily into small holdings over an area of 5oo,000 hectares.
On Feb. so, Pope Pius XI died, and on March 2, Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli, who had been largely instrumental in concluding the Lateran treaties, was elected Pope as Pius XII.
The Rome-Berlin axis was converted in Berlin into a formal alliance on May 22. In the meanwhile the Spanish civil war having come to an end, the Italian Government announced the withdrawal of the volunteers from Spain. These in fact, numbering 19,400, sailed from Cadiz on May 31, accompanied by a number of Spanish soldiers and the minister Serrano Sillier.
Trouble had been brewing for some time in Albania, where Italy had for 18 years exercised a predominant influence as provided for by the Conference of Ambassadors in 1921. King Zog's position had been gravely shaken and he applied for Italian military intervention which was refused. A dispute arose over a new Italo-Albanian treaty, whereupon Zog tried to promote an anti-Italian agitation. Then Italy sent a force which landed on April 7. Zog fled at once, and except for a few skirmishes at Durazzo and Scutari no opposition was offered and order was easily restored. On the 13th the Albanian Constituent Assembly offered the crown to the King of Italy. Victor Emmanuel accepted it, and a personal union between the two countries was thereby established. Italy thus secured a firm position in the Balkans of great value after the outbreak of war in September following.
The international situation having become more tense over the German-Polish dispute and its reactions on Great Britain and France, Italy too became anxious owing to her alliance with Germany, and early in August Ciano visited von Ribbentrop at Salzburg and Hitler at Berchtesgaden. But on Aug. 22 the conclusion of the Russo German pact of non-aggression was announced, and radically altered the position. The Italian Government took certain precautions, such as the recall of reservists and several economic measures. Hitler's speech on Sept. 1 on the decision to invade Poland stated that Italy's help would not be invoked, thereby suggesting that the casus foederis had not arisen. The Italian Cabinet declared on the same day that Italy would not take the initiative of any military action. Mussolini had, however, made a last attempt to avert the outbreak of hostilities by proposing on Aug. 31 to the British and French Governments a conference with Germany and Poland to meet on Sept. 5 to settle the dispute. The replies were not unfavourable, but as in the mean while Germany had invaded Poland, the British and French Govern ments demanded the evacuation of Polish territory as a preliminary condition to a conference. This Hitler refused to do, and the war proceeded. Italian public opinion felt deeply relieved that the country should not be involved in the conflict, at all events for the time being, as there was no apparent reason for intervention. Italy's one real interest was an early end to the war. (A. Co. ; X.) BuniocRAPHY.—General history : L. Muratori, Annali d'Italia, cov ering the period from the beginning of the Christian era to 175o, with a continuation (later ed. G. Carducci and V. Fiorini, Cita di Castello, 190o, etc.) ; F. Lanzani, Storia dei Contuni italiani dalle origini fino of 1313 (1882) ; C. Cipolla, Storia delle Signorie italiane dal 13r3 of 1530 (1881) ; A. Cosci, L'Italia durante la preponderanze straniere 153o 1789 (1875) ; G. de Castro, Storia d'Italia dal 1789 al 1814 (1881); Storia politica d'Italia, by various authors (Milan, 1898-1919) ; N. Rodolico, Sommario storico (3 vols. 1923) ; J. Trevelyan, A Short His tory of the Italian People (1926). See also Cam. Mod. Hist. especially vol. i., "The Renaissance," with bibliography.
Early period: T. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders (1892-99) ; P. Le invasioni barbariche (Milan, 190o). Papal history: L. von Ranke, History of the Popes (Eng. ed. 1897). Renaissance: E. Guinet, Revolutions d'Italie (1857) ; J. Burckhardt, Cultur der Renaissance in italien (Basle, 186o) ; J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy (5 vols. 1875, etc.).
French Revolution and Risorgimento Period: F. Gualterio, Gli ultimi rivolgimenti italiani (4 vols. Florence. 185o) ; N. Bianchi, Storia della diplomazia europea in Italia (8 vols. Turin, 1865) ; F. Bertolini, Storia d'Italia dal 1814 al 1878 (Milan, 188o-8i); C. Tivaroni, Storia critica del Risorgimento italiano (9 vols. Turin, 1888-97) ; V. Bersezio, 11 Regno di Vittorio Emanuele II. (8 vols. Turin, 5889, etc.) ; W. R. Thayer, Dawn of Italian Independence (Boston, 1893) ; E. Marti nengo-Cesaresco, Liberation of Italy (1895) ; Bolton King, History of Italian Unity (2 vols. 1899) ; P. Orsi, L'Italia moderna (later ed. Milan, 191o) ; Eng. trans., Modern Italy, 1748-1898 (1900) ; A. Solmi, 11 Risorgimento italiano (Milan, 1919), Eng. trans., Making of Mod ern Italy (1925) ; A. Oriani, La lotta politica in Italia (4th ed. 3 vols., Florence, 1921) ; I. Raulich, Storia del Risorgimento italiano (5 vols. Bologna, 1921, etc.) ; M. Mazziotti, Napoleone III. e l'Italia (Milan, 1925) ; A. Ferrari, L'esplozione rivoluzionaria del Risorginzento, 1789 1815 (Milan, 1925) ; F. Lemmi, 11 Risorgimento—Guide bibliografiche della Fondazione Leonardo per la cultura italiano (1926). See also articles CAvouR, MAZZLNI, etc.
187o-1915: M. Rosi, L'Italia odierna (Turin, 1916), Storia content poranea (Turin, 1917) ; L'Italia di ieri (2 vols. Turin, 1925) ; G. Gio litti, Memorie della mia vita (Milan, 1922), Eng. trans. E. Storer, Memoirs of my Life (1923) ; G. Gallavresi, Italia e Austria (Milan, 1922) ; L. Lodi, Venticinque anni di vita parlamentare (Flor ence, 1923) ; S. Alibrizzi, Storia parlamentare, politica e diplomatica d'Italia da Novara a Vittorio Veneto (Milan, 1923 etc.) ; G. Volpe, Fra Storia e politica (1924), L'Italia in cammino (Milan, 1927). See also CRISP'.
1915-1939: V. Angeli, Guerra vinta, pace perduta (1921) ; F. Meda, 11 partito socialists italiana della prima alla terza internazionale (Milan, 1921) ; J. Alazard, Communisme et "Fascio" in Italia (r922); G. D. Herron, The Revival of Italy (1922); Benito Mussolini's col lected speeches, published every year, selection in Eng. trans. B. Qua ranta, Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches (1923) ; L. Bisso lati. La politica estera dellitalia dal 1897 al 1920 (Milan, 1923) ; E. Corradini, Discorsi politici (Florence, 1923) ; L. Gangemi, La politica economica e finanziaria del Govern() fascista nel periodo dei pieni poteri (Bologna, 1924) ; L. Villari, The Awakening of Italy (1924), The Fascist Experiment (1926), Italy (1929), The Expansion of Italy (1930) ; C. Pellizzi, Problemi e Realti del Fascismo (Florence, 1924) ; G. Gentile, Che cosa e it fascismo (Florence, 1925) ; Don L. Sturzo, Italy and Fascismo, Eng. trans. B. B. Carter ; R. Belluzzo, Economia Fascista (1927) ; A. Rocco, La trasformazione dello Stato (1927) ; F. Fox, Italy To-day (1927) ; • G. Salvemini, History of the Fascist Dictatorship (1927) ; F. W. Newman, The Mediter ranean and its Problems (1927) ; A. Lion, The Pedigree of Fascism (1928) ; J. S. Barnes, The Universal Aspects of Fascism (1928) ; Roberto Farinacci, Storia della rivoluzione fascista (3 vols., 5938-39) Francesco Ercole, La rivoluzione fascista (1936) ; Giacchino Volpe, Storia del movimento fascista (1939); Giorgio Pini, The Official Life of Benito Mussolini (English ed. 1939) ; Mario Missiroli, La politica estera di Mussolini (1938) ; Cesare Longobardi, Land Reclamation in Italy (1936) ; Emilio De Bono, The Conquest of an Empire (English ed. 1937) ; Pietro Badoglio, The War in Abyssinia (English ed. 1937) Rodolfo Graziani, Fronte Sud (1938). See also bibliographies attached to special articles. (L. V.) ITHACA (106,Kn ), vulgarly Thiaki (eclum), next to Paxo the smallest of the seven Ionian islands, with an area of about 44 sq.m. ; an eparchy of the nomos of Cephalonia in Greece whose population, with Cephalonia and Leucas, in 193o was 66,414. It consists of two mountain masses, connected by a narrow isthmus of hills, W. of a wide inlet, the Gulf of Molo. The northern culminates in Anoi (2,65o ft.), the southern in Hagios Stephanos (Merovigli) (2.1 oo ft.). Vathy, the chief town and port of the island, lies at the northern foot of Mount Stephanos, its white washed houses stretching for about a mile round the deep bay, to which it owes its name. As there is little arable land in Ithaca, the inhabitants are dependent on commerce for their grain supply; olive oil, wine and currants are the principal products. Goats are fed on the brushwood of the hills; and hares are exception ally abundant. The island is divided into four districts: Vathy, Aeto (or Eagle's Cliff), Anoge (Anoi) or Upland, and Exoge (Exoi) or Outland.
The name has remained attached to the island from the earliest historical times with but little interruption of the tradition; though in Brompton's travels (12th century) and in the old Venetian maps we find it called Fale or Val de Compar, and at a later date it not infrequently appears as Little Cephalonia. This last name indicates the general character of Ithacan history in modern and in ancient times; for the fame of the island is almost solely due to the Homeric story of Odysseus, its king in the heroic age. In the Odyssey the island is incidentally described with picturesque topographical detail, the Homeric localities for which counterparts have been sought are Mount Neritos, Mount Neion, the harbour of Phorcys, the town and palace of Odysseus, the 'fountain of Arethusa, the cave of the Naiads, the stalls of the swineherd Eu maeus, the orchard of Laertes, the Raven Cliff Korax and the island Asteris, where the suitors lay in ambush for Telemachus. There are two schools of identification, one placing the town at Polis on the west coast in the northern half of the island (Leake, Gladstone, etc.), and the other at Aeto on the isthmus. The lat ter site, advocated by Sir William Gell, was supported by Dr. H. Schliemann, who carried on excavations in 1873 and 1878. But no amount of ingenuity can fully reconcile the descriptions in the Odyssey with the actual topography. Accordingly W. Dorpfeld has suggested that the Homeric Ithaca must be identified with Leucas (Santa Maura, q.7.?.). He deals ingeniously with the Ho meric topography and suggests that the name may have been transferred as a result of migration and interprets the valuable and surprising results of his excavations in accordance with his the ories of "Achaean" archaeology. Leucas fits Homeric descrip tions better than Ithaca ; but many scholars refuse to discuss the Odyssey as if it were a guide-book, or to look, in the author, 'for close familiarity with the Ionian islands.
W. Gell, Topography and Antiquities of Ithaca (1807) ; N. Karavias Grivas ( rijs vicrov '106,Kns) (Athens, 1849) ; Hercher, in Hermes (1866) ; Leake, Northern Greece; Mure, Tour in Greece; Bursian's Geogr. von Griechenland; . . . Macmillan's Magazine (1877) ; Partsch, Kephallenia and Dhaka (189o). For the controversy, report of excavations and full bibliography, W. Dorp feld, Alt Ithaka (1927). H. Schliemann, Ithaque, la Peloponnese, Troie, Paris (1869) ; The Times 26 Sept. 1878; Moss, London 188o (preface).