THE FASCIST COUP-D'ETAT The General Strike.—On Aug. 1, 1922, a general strike in all Italy was called by the Alleanza del Lavoro proclaimed by Turati a "legalist" strike, because its professed object was to affirm the authority of the State against the Fascists. Work was suspended in many factories and a part of the railwaymen struck; but the Fascists and Nationalists ordered a general mobilization, and the Fascist directorate issued a manifesto calling on the public serv ants and the workers "to shake off the yoke of the politicians by whom they were led," and giving the Government 48 hours within which to prove that it possessed authority over its own employees and those who were attempting to destroy the nation. "On the expiry of this delay Fascism will assume full freedom to supplant the State." Serious conflicts between Fascists and Communists occurred at Milan, Ancona and other places, but the strike rapidly collapsed, and by the 5th all disturbances were over. During the strike agitation the Fascists delivered an attack on the Com munist-Socialist municipality of Milan, which had for years ruled the city, bringing it to the verge of ruin and indulging in the most scandalous graft ; the deficit was 375,000,000 lire, with bills for Ioi,000,000 lire overdue, and the richest city in Italy could obtain no credit anywhere. The Fascists and other citizens took the places of the strikers; on Aug. 3 the Fascists succeeded in getting into the town hall, and for the first time since 1914 the tricolour was raised on Palazzo Marino amid scenes of great popular enthusiasm. The Fascists withdrew on the 4th and handed over the building to the prefect's commissioner. On the 2 7th, after the disastrous results of the inquiry into its financial ad ministration, the council was dissolved.
At Genoa the Fascists led a similar and equally successful op eration against the port consortium, which was largely under the influence of the Red dockers' union, and extended their action against a number of Socialist, Communist and Popolare town councils and institutions, and also against the governor of Trento, Credaro, accused of being under the influence of the anti-Italian Pan-German elements of Bolzano. All these actions were of course illegal, but public opinion approved of them because it considered that the Fascists were doing what the Government should have done before.
Facta's position was daily weakening, and indeed the whole machinery of government was obviously breaking down. At the Socialist congress held on Oct. 3 the party split into two groups, the Unitari or collaborationists and the uncompromising Massi malisti; as a result of this split the G.C.L. broke off its alliance with the Socialist party and declared itself a non-political body, but many of its adherents had already gone over to Fascism. The Partito Popolare was also divided by conflicting tendencies, and the pope enjoined on the bishops and clergy to abstain from partisan political activity. The moment was now ripe for a bold Fascist move.
Although many Liberals approved of the Fascist programme, the Fascists themselves were convinced that it could not be car ried out under normal parliamentary conditions. At a Fascist gathering at Udine on Sept. 29 Mussolini made an important dec laration in favour of the monarchy, thereby securing the support of many non-Fascists. His hints at a revolution, however, were still regarded as figures of speech, but he was now entrusted by the party directorate with a mandate to conduct a political and even military action to bring Fascism into power. On Oct. 24 another Fascist congress was held at Naples, where 40,000 Fascists in military formation paraded the streets. In his speech at the San Carlo theatre Mussolini said that "what we have in view is the introduction into the Liberal State, which has ful filled its functions . . . of all the forces of the new generation which has emerged from the war and the victory." In another speech he declared that "either the Government will be given to us or we shall seize it by marching on Rome." March on Rome.—That same evening the Fascist Quadrum virate was formed, composed of Michele Bianchi, general sec retary of the party, Italo Balbo, commander of the armed squadre, Gen. De Bono, who had organized them, and the deputy C. M. De Vecchi, while Dino Grandi, an authority on labour problems, was entrusted with the political functions of the enterprise. The congress broke up and on the 27th Facta resigned. In the mean while the general mobilization of the Fascists had been ordered, and they proceeded to concentrate on Rome in four columns. Both the Fascist leaders and the Army officers were anxious to avoid any conflict between the squadre and the troops, and the news that martial law had been proclaimed caused deep consternation.
Facta had indeed drafted and issued the decree, but the king refused to sign it as it would have meant civil war, and it was immediately withdrawn. After an unsuccessful attempt by Sa landra to form a cabinet owing to Mussolini's declaration that an administration of the old parliamentary type was now impossible, the king, on Salandra's advice, sent for Mussolini. The Fascist columns began to enter Rome on the morning of Oct. 30, 1922, and the city was peacefully occupied ; the only regrettable inci dents were the murder of a Fascist at Valmontone by Communists, and the murder of some Communists by Fascists in the San Lorenzo quarter of Rome. Mussolini reached Rome from Milan the same day, and at once presented himself to the king, with his cabinet list already prepared, which the king at once accepted. As the presence of the squadre in Rome was no longer necessary, and might lead to trouble, Mussolini ordered them to depart ; this they began to do on Oct. 31, after paying a tribute of honour to the tomb of the Unknown Soldier and homage to the king. By Nov. 2 all had left the capital.
On Nov. 16 the premier informed the Chamber that he might have closed parliament and formed a purely Fascist cabinet, but that he preferred, at all events in the first phase, to form a coali tion with all the national parties. He undertook to balance the budget, provide for the working classes, but not in accordance 'Gentile afterwards became a Fascist.
with any extravagant theories, and conduct the foreign policy of Italy with firmness and dignity. He finally asked for full powers for a year to carry out the necessary reforms, and these were granted by 275 votes to 9o. The Nationalists were now absorbed.
The most urgent problem before the new Government was finance. The estimated deficit for 1922-23 was 6,50o million lire and De Stefani at once proceeded to adopt drastic economies, reorganize taxation and encourage economic activity without hindrances to production. Tangorra having died on Dec. 21 De Stefani took charge of the Treasury as well. The Ministry of the Liberated Territories and several under-secretaryships were abolished, and by the decree of Jan. 23, 1923, the Government was enabled during one year to place on the retired list all officials who were too old or otherwise incapable of fulfilling their duties, and to revise all appointments made under special war legislation since May 1915. The Guardia Regia was disbanded. The Fascist and other armed squadre were also disbanded, and the Milizia V olontaria per la Sicurezza nazionale (see FASCISM), composed of ex-squadristi and officered by ex-army officers, was created in Jan. 1923 to assist in the maintenance of order. In the administration of justice the four courts of caseation were re duced to one, and many minor courts suppressed. The railway staff, which amounted to 225,00o when the Fascists came into power, was gradually reduced to 170,000.
A large number of abuses were eliminated ; the eight hours' day, which had been reduced to five or six hours of real work, was restored ; railway thefts and damage to property were brought down to trifling proportions ; the free passes issued to the leaders of the revolutionary sindacato ferrovieri and many other persons were withdrawn, discipline was re-established and bonuses for economy reintroduced. These reforms converted the railway deficit, which in 1921-22 amounted to 1,400 million lire, into a sur plus of 176,000,000 lire for 1924-25. A similar transformation was effected in other services with similar results.