THE TOKUGAWA PERIOD The Dutch.—It was at this time that the Dutch first landed in Japan. In i600 the "Lief de" was towed into the harbour of Funai in Bungo of ter a terrible voyage. On board was the "pilot major" of the expedition, an Englishman, Will Adams of Kent, whom Iyeyasu summoned to Osaka and honoured with his confi dence. Adams was made master ship-builder to the Yedo Govern ment, was employed as adviser and diplomatic agent in dealing with foreigners and received a substantial estate. He died in Japan in 162o. In 1605 the Shogun gave the Dutch a licence to trade and four years later the Dutch East India Company established a factory in Hirado.
Adams, Saris and Cocks.—In 1613 an English factory was established there by Capt. John Saris of the "Clove." Saris re ceived from Iyeyasu a most liberal charter which stated that "ground in Yedo in the place which they may desire shall be given to the English and they may erect houses and reside and trade there." Adams, who entered the service of the company, strongly advised that Uraga in the neighbourhood of Yedo was a better site than Hirado, but Saris would not listen. The enterprise was not successful, possibly because Iyeyasu's wish that Yedo should be its headquarters was disregarded. Saris departed in 1613 leaving Richard Cocks behind him as chief merchant. Cocks kept a diary which contains interesting information, but he was apparently not a good man of business : the "English House" came to an end after a troubled existence of ten years and was dissolved with a loss.
Christianity.—Iyeyasu seems, like Hideyoshi, to have started with no prejudice against Christianity but, like him, to have come to the conclusion that the Church as administered by Spanish and Portuguese priests was a dangerous political machine. Will Adams explained to him the difference between Roman Catholics and Prot estants and how in Europe Catholic priests had been expelled from Protestant countries. The Portuguese Jesuits did all they could to calumniate the Spanish Franciscans and urged the Gov ernment to expel them. More than once the Spaniards advised the expulsion of the Dutch, and in 1611 an envoy sent by the viceroy of New Spain actually proposed to send Spanish men-of war to burn all Dutch ships found in Japanese ports. Some inci dents in Japan also roused Iyeyasu's suspicions. The Christian Prince of Arima endeavoured to obtain some disputed territory by means of forged documents and was most severely punished. All Christians holding offices at court were at the same time dismissed. The Spaniards had obtained permission to survey the Japanese coast, the Government seeing no harm in what was then a novel request, but when a Franciscan friar called Sotelo hastened to take an active part in the survey, suspicions were aroused. Although Hideyoshi's edict of 1593 was in force, Sotelo opened an oratory in Yedo and held services. He himself was merely imprisoned for a short time but his converts were executed. Some Christians were also executed in Nagasaki, and Iyeyasu was much annoyed be cause their remains were worshipped as relics. On Jan. 27, a proclamation was issued suppressing Christianity. It directed that all foreign priests should be collected at Nagasaki and then re moved : that all churches should be destroyed and that Japanese converts should be compelled to renounce their faith. As on pre vious occasions the priests refused to comply and either hid in Japan or returned after a short absence. The siege of Osaka dis tracted Iyeyasu's attention but did not mollify his severity, for there were many Christians on Hideyori's side.
A somewhat perplexing incident of this period is the despatch of an embassy to the pope and the king of Spain by Date Masa mune, Daimy6 of Sendai. He was a patron of art and literature as well as a most successful warrior and may well have been in favour of foreign trade and interested in Christianity. But it is not clear why he should have thus taken the initiative in approach ing European powers. Perhaps at this moment Iyeyasu, who was cognizant of the whole business, may have been glad to have more information about Europe and have thought it a good thing to send a mission which could not be represented as coming from the Japanese Government if its credentials were seriously examined. Date obtained the release of the Father Sotelo mentioned above and despatched him in 1613 with one of his retainers called Hase kura and 6o persons to Mexico and thence to Spain and Rome. Hasekura was solemnly baptized in the presence of Philip III. and received with great pomp by the pope. When the mission re turned in 1620, Date's views on religion and foreign policy had ap parently changed. Its members were ordered to renounce Chris tianity, but Hasekura refused to do so and was not persecuted. Sotelo was less fortunate. On his way back he was detained two years in Manila and when he at last reached Japan he was imprisoned and ultimately burned.
Iyeyasu.—Iyeyasu died in 1616 and next year his remains were transferred with great pomp to Nikko. A well-known caricature represents Nobunaga as grinding flour, Hideyoshi as baking, and Iyeyasu as eating the cake. It may, perhaps, be said that he snatched it from Hideyoshi's heir and certainly statesman-like— a non-moral adjective—is the gentlest term that can be used to describe the proceedings by which he removed Hideyori. But it is hardly doubtful that the removal was for the good of Japan, for had Hideyori remained, Japan seemed likely to relapse into its previous woeful condition of internecine war. Iyeyasu had not perhaps the genius of Hideyoshi. On the other hand he avoided such perilous ventures as the Korean war and with ad mirable sagacity so consolidated and organized the system of Government that it remained almost unchanged in the hands of his descendants for two centuries and a half. Although he inau-* gurated the Tokugawa era, yet he was not responsible for the best known feature of it, namely, the seclusion of Japan and the almost complete expulsion of foreigners. Had he lived longer he might, like his grandson, have found this policy necessary, but up to the end of his life he drew a distinction between foreign trade and missionary enterprise. The former he wished to encourage : the latter he considered a political danger as preparing the way for foreign aggression and tending to draw Japanese away from their natural allegiance. But under his rule there were no executions of foreign missionaries. Before describing the conditions of Japan in the Tokugawa period it will be well to recount how in the next few decades the comparatively liberal principles of Iyeyasu gave way to the exclusion policy of Iyemitsu.
Exclusion Policy.—In 1616 Iyeyasu was succeeded by his son Hidetada who had already been nominal Shogun for r r years.
A few months after his father's death he issued an edict against Christianity severer than any which had preceded it, although its enforcement was postponed until the next year on account of the obsequies of Iyeyasu. It again ordered the expulsion of all foreign Christian priests, and for the first time it was now de clared a capital offence for any Japanese to become a Christian or have any connection with Christian missionaries, the punish ment being death by burning and confiscation of property. More over, Daimy6s were forbidden to keep Christians in their service or on their estates.
The Government probably thought that Christianity could be stamped out without much bloodshed, for in many districts Japanese had been forcibly converted wholesale by order of their feudal lords. But, as on previous occasions, the missionaries refused to leave. Japanese Christians, too, who, apart from re ligious convictions, had learnt from feudal warfare that loyalty to a cause is the first of human duties, showed extraordinary fortitude. There seem to be no accurate statistics of the number of native victims but it must have been very large. Japanese records speak of 200,000 persons being "punished," but this does not mean executed. The Jesuit Father Cardim gives a list of between 1,400 and 1,5oo martyrs. Several foreigners perished. Two priests, de l'Assumpcion and Machado, who had been de ported returned in 1617 and were decapitated. Instead of in spiring terror their execution gave new courage : thousands flocked to their tomb, which was believed to work miracles, and the two vice-provincials of Augustinians and Dominicans came out of hiding and started open propaganda. They were beheaded secretly. After some isolated executions of foreigners, there occurred in 1622 what was known as "the great martyrdom of Nagasaki," when 25 persons (including nine foreign priests) were burnt alive and 30 others were beheaded.
Iyemitsu.—Hidetada nominally abdicated in 1623 in favour of his son Iyemitsu and died in 1632. On becoming Shogun Iyemitsu reissued the existing anti-Christian decrees, and 300 persons were executed in the immediate domains of the Tokugawa family, where hitherto there had not been much persecution. But it now continued uninterruptedly throughout Japan, being most violent in Kyushu because there were more Christians in that island than elsewhere, and the governors of Nagasaki were ex ceptionally rigorous.
Shimabara.—The last act of this tragedy is known as the Shimabara revolt. This district is a peninsula to the east of Nagasaki and opposite to it is the large island of Amakusa. In both Christianity had taken root earlier and more thoroughly than anywhere else in Japan and both had been the scene of severe persecutions. At the end of 1637 they rose in open re bellion. The old Dutch and Portuguese historians are disposed to regard this rising as mainly an agrarian revolt due to economic causes, especially over-taxation, whereas Japanese authorities treat it as a religious and political insurrection. Both causes were probably operative but it seems certain that for a long time the most stubborn and militant Christians had been collecting in this district, prepared to make a last stand. At the beginning of 1638 the insurgents withdrew from the island and fortified the ruined castle of Hara; where they defended themselves—some 37,000 men, women and children—for about three months against the forces sent to subdue them. Dutch ships assisted the Shogun's troops in the siege and fired on the castle. When it was at last stormed an appalling massacre took place. Only 105 prisoners were taken and Christianity in Japan was practically suppressed. After this we hear of comparatively few martyrs. In Nagasaki and the neighbourhood the practice of Efumi, that is, trampling on pictures of Christ or the Virgin and Child, was enforced in the first month of each year. All the inhabitants, even children, were required to perform this ceremony to show that they did not belong to what was called the "wicked sect." The assertion that the Dutch complied with this regulation in order to ingratiate themselves with the authorities, though often made, seems not to be proved. The ceremony was not officially abolished until 1856. Yet it is said that Christianity was not entirely exterminated and that when the country was thrown open to foreigners in 1858, Roman Catholic priests found some of their co-religionists in Kyushu and Sado who had maintained their worship in secret.
Anti-foreign Legislation.—But the political consequences of the insurrection were most important. It is clear that the Tokugawa court were obsessed with the idea that foreigners were planning some sort of aggressive action. Hidetada had already got rid of the Spaniards, being moved chiefly by the reports of an investigator, Ibi Masayoshi, whom he had sent to make confidential enquiries in Europe. Whereas his father had sent envoys to Manila, he refused to receive a Philippine em bassy in 1624, and an edict was published ordering all Spaniards to be deported. Thus intercourse between the Japanese and Spaniards came to an end after lasting 32 years (1592-1624) but the Portuguese were allowed to trade at Nagasaki for 15 years longer. In this period the Tokugawa government clearly became more and more anti-foreign. In 1636 it was enacted that no Japanese vessel and no Japanese subject should go abroad under pain of death ; that all descendants of Spaniards should be expelled; and that no ships large enough to cross the ocean should be constructed. At the same time many restrictions were placed on the Portuguese and in Nagasaki the artificial island of Deshima was constructed for their reception in front of the former Portuguese factory. In 1638 an edict was issued saying that since the Portuguese had continued to bring mis sionaries into Japan in spite of previous edicts, and since they had instigated the Shimabara rebellion, from that time onwards every Portuguese ship coming to Japan should be burnt with all her cargo and that all on board her should be executed. The Portuguese were most unwilling to' abandon their profitable commerce. Four elderly and respected citizens of Macao were sent to Nagasaki on a special vessel carrying presents but no cargo, with instructions to explain that the Portuguese had no connection with the late rebellion and that the cessation of trade would injure Japan as much as Portugal. Their reception showed that the Japanese were in earnest. By order of the Shogun to whom their arrival was reported the envoys and 57 of their companions were beheaded, 13 being sent back to Macao to tell the tale with a message which bade the Portuguese "think no more of us just as if we were no longer in the world." In spite of this very decided answer the Portuguese made one more attempt. For some years they had been subject to Spain. When they recovered their independence, Don Gonzalo di Siqueira was sent in 1647 with two vessels to explain that Portugal was now actually at war with Spain, and to urge that commercial relations with Japan should be reopened. But the reception was not much better than before. There was, indeed, no bloodshed but the Portuguese were surrounded by armed men and were glad to escape with their lives.
Now came the turn of the Dutch. Though they lost no oppor tunity of explaining to the Japanese that they did not belong to the same religion as the Spaniards and Portuguese and though they showed their animosity to Catholicism on many occasions, notably at the siege of Hara mentioned above, they did not escape suspi cion and evidently there was a strong party against them at the ShOgun's court. Their factory was at Hirado and, apart from for eign politics, the authorities of Yedo were not disposed to see the DaimyOs of Kyushu, always ready to become semi-independent, strengthened by overseas trade. The governor of Ft. Zelandia in Formosa was badly received when he visited Yedo in 1627 and he subsequently quarrelled with a Japanese vessel in his own terri tory. As a result the Dutch factory at Hirado was suspended for four years and when it re-opened irksome restrictions on the sale of goods were imposed and there was much vexatious interference. The governor of Batavia sent an envoy to remonstrate and appeal to Iyeyasu's charter. But he was merely informed that the Japanese Government attached no importance to foreign trade and that the Dutch might remain only on condition of leaving Hirado and living in Nagasaki.
The question of allowing the British to trade in Japan never arose, because the British factory in Hirado, not being a financial success, was voluntarily closed in 1623 before serious friction between the Japanese Government and foreigners had begun. In 1673 the English East India Company attempted to reopen its trade and sent to Nagasaki a ship called the "Return" with a copy of the privileges granted to the former factory at Hirado, asking for their renewal. The vessel was not roughly treated but the crew were not allowed to land and the only reply vouchsafed was "that since our King (Charles H.) was married with the daughter of Portugal, their enemy, they could not admit us to have any trade and for no other reason." The seclusion of Japan was thus complete.
No Japanese might go abroad and no foreigner might come to Japan except a limited number of Dutch under special conditions as described. This state of things continued until American ships under Commodore Perry arrived in 1853.
No Daimy6 might intermarry with the court nobility without the consent of the ShOgun or make any application to the emperor or build a new castle on his own estate. The DaimyOs were divided into two classes : Fudai or hereditary vassals of the Tokugawa. defined in the Legacy as those who followed Iyeyasu and proffered their fealty before the siege of Osaka, and Tozama, or outside lords, those who submitted of ter its downfall. The Fudai were more directly dependent on the good-will of the Shogun than the others, for he could alter their revenues or transfer them from one fief to another, but they only (with rare and late exceptions) were eligible as members of the Gorojii, or ShOgun's council of State, and as governors of the great castles of Osaka, Fushimi and the NijO in Kyoto. The last was practically charged with the custody of the emperor. Owing to their position the Tozama Dai myOs of the north and west enjoyed considerable independence. The Shoguns, for instance, were exceedingly cautious in interfering in the affairs of Satsuma.
The wealth of a Daimy6 was estimated in terms of Koku of rice, the value of one Koku being about L1. About half the amount went to the Daimy6 himself, the other half to the tillers of the soil. The richest was Mayeda of Kaga, who had more than a mil lion Koku. The Tokugawa family itself was divided into the three houses of Mito, Kii and Owari (the fiefs bestowed by Iyeyasu on three of his sons), and in event of the ShOgun having no direct issue it was from these that the heir was chosen. The general body of Samurai or retainers lived frugally on stipends calculated in terms of Koku. In theory they paid no taxes, but in practice the presents which they were obliged to present to their superiors at stated intervals were a heavy impost. Comparatively few owned land, which was usually bestowed as a reward of con spicuous merit. An important class of small landowners was formed by the Hatamoto (under the flag) who were supposed to be immediate retainers of the ShOgun and ranked immediately after the Daimy6s, The ROnin (wavernen), who play some part in history and a greater one in Japanese romance, were homeless and lordless Samurai, who had cleft their master's service for some reason, it may be for misconduct or it may be because they pro posed to do something—e.g., to take revenge—which, though re garded as a moral duty, might bring their master's house into trouble if performed by his retainers. In Yedo there were two distinct classes of population between whom little love was lost, the townsmen subject to the civil magistrates, and the Samurai under the direction of their feudal chiefs, who were guided by the Bake Shohatto, or regulations for the military class, supposed to be issued at the beginning of each Shogun's reign. The feudal chiefs resided in mansions called Yashikis near the palace, often with grounds of considerable extent and surrounded by a labyrinth of tortuous streets and small dwellings assigned to their retainers.
The Heimin, or commoners, were divided into three classes, husbandmen, artisans and traders. Of these the first were the most respected, and a farmer on his own land might wear one sword, but never two, that being the privilege of the Samurai. Artisans were also esteemed, particularly as they were often artists in our sense of the word and were in the permanent service of feudal lords from whom they received fixed salaries. But through out the Tokugawa period traders were regarded with disdain and stood lowest in the social scale, though still more contemptible were the outcasts, Eta and Hinin who were regarded as being out side the community and performed such disagreeable duties as slaughtering animals and executing criminals. The Eta lived in separate villages and could not eat or intermarry with others. In spite of many hypotheses, no certain account can be given of their origin. They were officially enfranchised in 1871, but the popular prejudice against them is still strong and gives rise to occasional riots.
The Government of Yedo, like the Chinese, had a great dislike of litigation : every attempt was made to discourage it and to settle disputes by arbitration or conciliation. The various classes of magistrates had also other functions such as municipal duties and the collection of revenue. It was some time before a Supreme Court was evolved and even then it was not quite independent of the administration, for members of the council of State could be present unseen and supervise its proceedings behind a curtain. Iyetsuna.—Iyemitsu died rather suddenly in 1651 and was succeeded by his young son Iyetsuna, whose guardianship he en trusted to Hoshina of Aizu. The situation was not without danger but was saved by the heads of the houses of Kii and Mito, who were younger sons of Iyeyasu and supported the new ShOgun. In the same year there was a formidable conspiracy of Ronin, led by Yui and Marubashi. The former was the son of a dyer who had formed the dangerous ambition of emulating Hideyoshi: the latter was the son of the dispossessed Daimy6 of Tosa who had fought against Iyeyasu at Osaka. The plot was discovered. Yui had time to commit suicide, but his partner and accomplice with many of their wives and children were either crucified or beheaded. It was part of the conspirators' design to set fire to Yedo, and the events of 1657 showed what awful proportions such a conflagration might assume and how easy it would have been for a band of desperadoes with their plans prepared to take possession of the city. In that year a fire broke out during a hurricane : Yedo was almost literally reduced to a heap of ashes and the loss of life was appalling. Waegener, who was there at the head of the annual Dutch mission, estimated it at Is:30,mo. Fortunately the Govern ment granaries were defended by thick mud walls which w–hstood the flames and, as in 1923, the administration dealt ably and energetically with the work of relief and reconstruction.
In 1669-70 occurred what is called the Great Ainu Revolt, a last attempt of the aborigines to assert their independence. It had important consequences, for Mutsu and Dewa, the distant prov inces of the north, were now utilized as granaries of the empire. The legislation of 1635 had made it illegal to build sea-going vessels, but this drastic legislation was now modified and a regular service of rice-transports was organized to provision Yedo and Osaka. Under the rule of Iyetsuna an attempt was also made to render the laws of Japan more humane. Cruel punishments were somewhat mitigated and the relatives of criminals were less severely treated, Junshi, the suicide of retainers in order to follow their master in death, was forbidden and accessories were pun ished. Iyemitsu had actually ordered some of his counsellors and attendants to "follow him on the dark path," and how deeply rooted this idea is in Japan may be seen by the fact that Gen. Nogi and his wife killed themselves on the occasion of the emperor Meiji's funeral in 1912, and for having done so are held up as an example to the youth of Japan and almost deified.
Iyetsuna, who had never taken an active part in the business of government, became an invalid in 1675 and left everything in the hands of Sakai Tadakiyo, who filled the office of Tairo. Five years later he died without issue. Sakai proposed to revert to the practice of the old Kamakura administration and to appoint an imperial prince as Shogun, remaining regent himself. But the council refused to accept this proposal. Sakai had to retire and Iyemitsu's fourth son Tsunayoshi (168o-17o9) succeeded.
Tsunayoshi had also a passion for the No drama and appeared on the stage himself, for it was a peculiarity of these plays that the aristocratic amateurs could take part in them without losing caste, whereas other kinds of acting were considered disgraceful. Theatres of all kinds flourished in Yedo, and life was not only gay but artistic. The products of the Genroku epoch (1688 1704) are of remarkable excellence, especially the lacquer. The provinces were impoverished because the Daimyos were continu ally imposing new taxes on the cultivators to pay for their own town amusements, but there was plenty of money in the capital. The coinage was depreciated but as the Samurai received their stipends mostly in kind and had more rice than they required for their household needs, they sold the surplus and cash was abun dant. Ultimately the money squandered on actors and geishas passed into the pockets of the mercantile class, for none of it went abroad. Though they were still theoretically the lowest grade of the social scale, merchants amassed such large fortunes that it was impossible to ignore them. Many of the commercial magnates of modern Japan, such as the Mitsui and Sumitomo, were already flourishing at this time. Another side of life is illustrated by the story of the Forty-Seven Ronin, the most celebrated of Japanese romances. A certain nobleman was in sulted in the Shogun's palace in the year 1701 and drew his sword within the sacred precincts. For this unpardonable out rage he was obliged to commit harakiri at once, his family was declared extinct and his retainers were disbanded. They accepted their position without hesitation : the code of military honour obliged them to slay the man who had insulted their master, although the Civil Code threatened them with capital punish ment for doing so. They spent two years in every kind of ad venture, and having at last surprised and killed their adversary, they deposited his head on their lord's grave amidst the applause of admiring crowds, and all disembowelled themselves. The temple in Tokyo where they are buried is still a resort for popu lar pilgrimages and incense is kept continually burning before their tombs. In 1703 and 1708 the life of Yedo was disturbed by dis astrous earthquakes and there was also an eruption of Mount Fuji. As he grew older, the Shogun devoted himself more and more to art and literature and let his favourite Yanagisawa manage all public business. After the death of his mother in I 705 he secluded himself entirely under plea of mourning. Four years later he died somewhat mysteriously but apparently the story that he was murdered by his wife does not merit credence. He was succeeded by his nephew Iyenobu, who promised to be a competent ruler but unfortunately died in 1712 three years after his accession. The people went into voluntary mourning for him, a compliment which had been paid to no previous Tokugawa. He was succeeded by his infant son, Iyetsugu, who also held the nominal office for only three years. No events of much importance occurred in this interval, but an interesting description of the life of the period has been preserved in the works of Arai, the tutor and afterwards the adviser of Iyenobu. He relates among other things how he examined the Italian priest Sidotti, who came to Japan on a missionary enterprise and died in prison. With the death of the infant Iyetsugu the line of Hidetada, the second Tokugawa Shogun, became extinct, and an heir had to be found in one of the three Tokugawa houses de scended from Iyeyasu. Iyenobu, foreseeing that his own son was not likely to live long, had designated as heir Yoshimune of the house of Kii.
Yoshimune.—Yoshimune was perhaps the best of the Tokugawa Shoguns and illustrated the excellence of paternal government when exercised by a capable and unselfish sovereign. His long rule (1716-1744) offers few exciting incidents but is a continuous record of reform and beneficial legislation, much of it obviously directed against the dangers threatening a capital and military class entirely given over to luxury. He did his best to make the court ceremonial simpler and more rational. Where as previous Shoguns had received the Dutch envoys unseen and sitting behind a curtain, he met them face to face and conversed with them. Similarly, he made a practice of receiving ordinary
Samurai in audience, if they had in any way distinguished them selves. In order to know more of the opinions and grievances of simple citizens he revived the ancient institution of a "Com plaint (or suggestion) Box," which was set up outside the Supreme Court. He kept the key himself and any properly signed communication received due attention. Yoshimune spent his leisure in hunting and hawking whence, in contrast to his predecessor Tsunayoshi, he was called the Hawk Shogun or Bird catching ShOgun. Believing outdoor sports to be a good cor rective of the luxurious life of Yedo, he encouraged the Samurai to accompany him and devised for them such strenuous forms of exercise as the unexpected swimming of a river. In 1726 he or ganized a great hunting expedition in which 6o,000 men took part and were put through evolutions like an army in the field. There was, it appears, no code of law at this time, but Yoshimune made a beginning by himself supervising the preparation of the Hundred Articles of Kwampo, which became the basis of the criminal law. These articles were issued in 1742, but it is inter esting to note that it was not thought necessary to bring them to the notice of the public, but merely to distribute copies among the judges and other officers concerned. Ooka Tadasuke, a sort of Japanese Solomon, was city magistrate of Yedo in this period and his sagacious and of ten amusing decisions are among the best known stories even now.
Yoshimune was strongly in favour of primogeniture as a principle for settling disputed succession and thus avoiding the dissensions from which almost every great family suffered. Unfortunately his own family showed that the principle has dis advantages, for his eldest son Iyeshige was a debauchee and of no ability, whereas his second son seemed a most desirable suc cessor and his advisers suggested that he might be named heir apparent. But Yoshimune was unwilling. He retired nominally in 1744, his eldest son being declared Shogun and his grandson Iyeharu heir apparent. His intention was to supervise Iyeshige and, if he proved incorrigible, to make him retire when Iyeharu attained his majority, but he died himself before that happened. He also established his two younger sons as heads of new Tokugawa houses and later his grandson, the second son of Iyeshige, received the same honour. The three houses thus formed were those of Tayasu, Hitotsubashi and Shimizu and, in the event of direct heirs to the Shogunate failing, had a right to the succession. Iyeshige (1744-176o) proved a deplorably bad ruler, especially after his father's death in 1751. He is not charged with specially heinous acts of tyranny but at this time the personal power of the Shogun was so great that if he was dissolute himself he was bound to injure the whole adminis tration. For instance, if he required money for his pleasures, the Daimyos were informed that (contrary to the practice in Yoshimune's time) the gifts which it was the custom for them to present on ceremonial occasions ought to be of real value. Great officials imitated the Shogun and naturally givers of pres ents recouped themselves at the expense of their dependents. Favouritism, extortion and corruption became rampant and ris ings of the peasantry occurred. The management of affairs passed into the hands of chamberlains and secretaries. Nevertheless, no great disaster occurred under Iyeshige's rule. He died in 1761 having abdicated the year before in favour of his son Iyeharu, then aged 23. Iyeharu was a youth of good parts and began his rule with some legal reforms. But though he was not a profligate like his father and inherited his grandfather's love of open air sport, he had also a dangerous love of display and magnificence and let himself be ruled by favourites, the chief of whom was Tanuma, who is said to have amassed a colossal fortune. The dissipation and extravagance of Yedo in creased and spread to the surrounding districts, for it was the custom to hire servants for the Daimyos' mansions by the year, of ter which many of them returned to the country with their morals not improved. But still, contemporary testimony states that in south-western Japan and in the great fief of the Uyesugi family, whose capital was at Yonezawa, the local administration was good. A little later an interesting light is thrown on the condition of the rural districts by the career of Ninomiya (1787– 1856) who founded in the KwantO and neighbouring provinces a system of credit associations to which farmers subscribed and from which they obtained loans in case of need. The later years of Iyeharu were darkened by a series of terrible natural calam ities. Earthquakes and eruptions were followed by a drought known as the famine of Temmei (the period 1781-1789), and of ter this came equally destructive floods. More than a million persons are said to have perished in these various disasters and the measures proposed by the Government to relieve the distress proved totally inadequate.
Iyenari.—Iyeharu died in 1786. His two sons had pre deceased him and he had adopted as his heir Iyenari of the house of Hitotsubashi, according to the arrangement mentioned above. The young prince did not attain his majority until 1793, and dur ing this period the Government was administered by Matsudaira Sadanobu, who really belonged to the Tasuya house and was a grandson of Yoshimune, although he had been adopted into the Matsudaira family. Tanuma, the late ShOgun's favourite, had to retire, his son having been assassinated two years before. Ac cording to Titsingh, the head of the Dutch factory at Deshima to whom we owe an interesting account of this period, this son was "of a truly enlightened and imposing character" and would have opened Japan to foreigners, but Japanese accounts state that the family were hated for their rapacity and corruption. The populace stoned the funeral cortege of the victim, and the assassin, though he had to commit suicide, became an object of public veneration.
Matsudaira Sadanobu's administration (1786-93) was one of the periods of reform and retrenchment which occurred periodi cally in the history of the Tokugawa Shogunate. There was, in deed, something self-contradictory in the principles of that Gov ernment. Soldiers were recognized as the highest class and yet there was no place for the soldier's occupation—fighting. Japan had no dealings with foreign nations and consequently no foreign wars: even defence against foreign aggression was not a practical necessity. Internal wars between the great feudal houses were obviously harmful to the country. The result was that most Samurai, especially in Yedo, tended to drift, not towards insur rection (for the extraordinarily efficient discipline averted this danger), but towards dissipation and effeminacy. The regent set himself to correct public morals and with considerable success. The system of requiring presents was abolished ; f a vouritism and corruption were greatly diminished and the ad ministration of justice, which had grown very bad, became prompt and efficient. But he found the military class so hope lessly in debt that they could not pay if they lived by honest means, and therefore he had recourse to the old device of a can cellation of debts. All debts of more than six years' standing incurred by Hatamotos were nullified and more recent ones were payable at reduced interest. These ordinances were accompanied by unusually severe sumptuary legislation. The use of gold and silver for ornament was practically interdicted and there were rigorous regulations about dolls and sweetmeats. Sadanobu's reforms seem to have done real good for a time but in some other ways he was less judicious and under his rule we see faint signs of the movements which were destined to overthrow the ShO gunate and restore the authority of the emperor. Hitherto the Shoguns had been on good terms with the court of Kyoto and had kept it in obscurity while treating it with great respect. But in the interests of economy Sadanobu requested them to despatch less frequent missions to Yedo, which was taken amiss and he had a misunderstanding with the Emperor Kokaku about the imperial right to confer titles. For the moment nothing of great importance happened, but several enthusiasts, notably Garno, Hayashi and Takayama travelled about the country preaching the duty of paying more respect to the emperor. Takayama committed harakiri as a public protest against the neglect of loyalty and Hayashi was imprisoned for seeming to exalt the emperor to the prejudice of the Shogun, but in the Meiji era he received posthumous rank as a reward for his services to the imperial house. Sadanobu retired from the regency in 1793 and the young Shogun assumed control of the Government which he continued to exercise for 48 years, for though he abdicated in favour of his son in 1837 he continued to rule until his death in 1841. Though not devoid of talent, Iyenari cannot be ranked among the ablest men of his house, and he was somewhat under the influence of his friends and especially of his numerous se raglio. For the first 13 years of his rule he was also strongly influenced by his father, who considered he had been slighted by Sadamaru and disliked the latter's reforms. Accordingly the old tendency to magnificence and luxury set in again. Iyenari married a daughter of Shimazu of Satsuma who had been adopted into the Konoye family, one of the branches of the Fujiwara house. He was thus brought into intimate relations with the court nobility and the great but very distant house of Kyushu, and this tended to give the Fudai—or vassals of the Tokugawa house—less power than they had previously enjoyed.
The influence of the ROA or council of State also declined. Iyenari paid most respectful attention to the emperor who showed his appreciation by conferring on him several titles which added nothing to his real power, but so great is the importance attached to ceremony that the ShOgunate seemed to have reached the acme of its magnificence. After the death of Iyenari's father Mi zuno Tadashige became chief adviser and favourite, and when he died in 1835 he was succeeded by another Mizuno, Tadakuni, who became well known as the author of another set of sump tuary laws which were not very successful. He also seems to have been in favour of foreign intercourse.
About this time there was a famine, and popular indignation was aroused against the guilds of merchants, who were accused of buying up necessaries and selling them only at outrageous prices. A serious outbreak occurred at Osaka where one Oshio designed to kill the magistrates, seize the castle and force the merchants to distribute their stores. Though the plot was be trayed and frustrated, there was serious fighting and a great part of the city was burnt. Mizuno dealt drastically with the guilds and practically suppressed them for some years, but it was found necessary to revive them and his ordinances against luxury were not more permanent. Apparently they were so worded as to bear heavily on the ordinary townsfolk, whereas earlier legis lation of the same kind had chiefly affected the upper classes. Mizuno was suddenly dismissed in 1843, restored to his office next year but dismissed again and banished for good in Meanwhile, Iyenari had died in 1841 and his son Iyeyoshi, who was already titular Shogun, had to govern without his assistance. Though Iyeyoshi was 45 years of age he had no will of his own and counted for nothing during his rule which lasted till 1853, the year of Commodore Perry's arrival.
Dutch Learning.—Another intellec tual movement, small in numbers but of great importance, was the furtive pursuit of Dutch learning. The Japanese are the most inquisitive people in the world and the terror of European aggression did not prevent the few who had any opportunity from learning all they could about Europe, especially its science and inventions. It has been truly observed that the adventures of these pioneer students were often as inter esting as the most thrilling romances pub lished in Yedo. A physician called Sugita Fusai (c. 178o) has left an autobiography in which he describes his difficulties and troubles in learning Dutch and practical anatomy, which latter he studied on the execution ground. He wrote a book on the human body and was allowed to present a copy to the Shogun. In this he was more fortunate than his predecessors, for a little while before, a work published by a naturalist called Goto had been sup pressed, simply because it contained the Dutch alphabet. Though the Government discouraged the study of Dutch, the Shogun Yoshimune himself had Dutch books translated for his own benefit, and Titsingh tells us that several "persons of quality" diligently studied the language and that the Prince of Satsuma (the father-in-law of the Shogun Iyenari) used the Roman alphabet in his letters when he wished to write secrets. When Siebold was in Japan (1823-29) his house was frequented by pupils from every part of the empire, but they got into trouble and he himself had difficulties. A little later clubs for the study of Dutch were established. There was strenuous opposition, but on the other hand medical opinion insisted on the importance of the study and made itself heard. The Government decided that only physicians might learn Dutch and a medical school was established in Osaka in 1838. The result was that everyone who wished to learn Dutch professed to be a medical student and 3,000 pupils are said to have passed through the school in 24 years. In 1795 an edict required all candidates for official posts to sub scribe to the doctrines called Teishu, that is, the particular inter pretation of Confucian philosophy which was taught in Govern ment schools, though many learned men favoured other inter pretations. Though these persistent efforts to suppress foreign learning and freedom of thought affected comparatively few, they contributed to the unpopularity of the ShOgunate. It had not many disinterested friends when the great upheaval came after Intercourse with Europe and America.—Though the open ing of Japan came quite suddenly and though the Shogun's Government enforced the prohibition of intercourse with all foreigners except the Dutch with extraordinary rigour and efficiency until the last, yet naturally, from stress of weather or other causes, foreign vessels occasionally touched at Japanese ports. They were generally driven away, sometimes by gunfire even when their object was benevolent, such as the re patriation of Japanese who had strayed abroad. In 18°8 when Great Britain and Holland were at war a sensation was created by the brief apparition at Nagasaki of H.M.S. "Phaeton" in pur suit of Dutch ships. The Japanese saw in this a sign of European aggression and the Dutch, wishing to preserve a monopoly of foreign trade, worked on these fears. The first attempts at establishing relations with Japan were made by the Russians in connection with the fur trade. A Russian envoy appeared at Nagasaki in 1804, but only to receive a flat refusal. Collisions followed between Japanese and Russians in Sakhalin and the Kurile islands, but renewed Russian attempts to find some basis of amicable intercourse failed. The whaling industry began to grow at this period and ships often sent boats to the Japanese coast to obtain supplies. In 1824 the crew of an English vessel who landed in this way near Kagoshima slaughtered cattle and used other violence. This aroused strong ill-feeling and next year the Government published an expulsion decree, ordering the local authorities to drive away all foreign vessels attempting to put into port and to arrest or execute any foreigners who might land. Somewhat later the Japanese became impressed with the growing power of England in the Far East, as shown by the cession of Hongkong and the opening of various Chinese ports and Mizuno Tadakuni, who was then at the head of affairs, issued in 1843 modified instructions to local authorities saying that though foreigners were on no account to be allowed to land, yet foreign ships were not to be driven away but were allowed to re ceive provisions and fuel. At the same time he requested the Dutch at Deshima to supply him with models of European ma chines and copies of illustrated books and newspapers. Even the Dutch now began to recommend the opening up of Japan, and the king of Holland sent an envoy with a despatch advising the Shogun to abandon the policy of isolation. The envoy was not allowed to proceed beyond Nagasaki and when a reply was at last sent in 1845 (af ter the fall of Mizuno) it simply stated the law of Japan as it stood, adding, "Henceforth pray cease cor respondence." Owing to the increase of whaling enterprise of trade with China, American ships were beginning to frequent the Far East but their occasional visits to Japanese ports had left a disagreeable impression, the "Morrison" having been fired on in 1837. In 1845 a resolution was introduced in Congress recommending that "commercial arrangements" should be made with Japan and for this purpose Commodore Biddle was sent with two ships next year. He stayed nine days at Uraga but his attempts to negoti ate a treaty met with a flat refusal and he was roughly handled himself but, as his instructions ordered him to do nothing that could excite hostility, he accepted the apologies offered and re turned to the United States.
Perry remained in Japan till June and then went to Canton. His visit had been short and successful, but the last entry in the Journal of Wells Williams, his interpreter, is "Thus ends my expedition to Japan, for which praise God." Meanwhile Japan was in a ferment. The Shogun died in 1853 and was succeeded by two nonentities, Iyesada (1853-1858) and Iyemoshi (1858-1866). It may be mentioned that the name Tycoon commonly used by foreigners at this time is the Japanese Taikun or great prince. The title had been used in negotiations with Korea in the 16th century and was now resumed in dealing with western powers, with the object of enhancing the dignity of the Shogun since that word means simply generalissimo. This was explained in a despatch addressed to Townsend Harris in November 1857.
The emperor was Komei (1847-1867) the father of Meiji, a man of more character than his immediate predecessors and of strongly conservative, that is anti-f oreign, principles. From 1853 to 186o the chief power was in the hands of Ii Naosuke, who was Tairo or First Minister, during the last two years of his life. He was a man of great intelligence and courage who, seeing that Japan had no chance of successfully withstanding foreign insistence, assumed the responsibility of signing the treaties. His policy had many prominent opponents, especially Tokugawa Nariaki of Mito, and the quarrel was complicated by this latter's desire to make his own son Shogun. This son (who eventually became the last Shogun under the name of Keiki or Yoshinobu, had been adopted as heir of the house of Hitotsubashi and hence was eligible for succession, but Ii successfully supported the claims of Iyemochi of the house of Kii. Ii was assassinated by Ronin of Mito in 186o—a victim to anti-foreign sentiment and clan intrigues. However, it was not possible to refuse to other powers the concession already granted to America. Russia, Hol land and England soon secured for themselves similar treaties. But these instruments were in reality mere grants of privileges and not commercial treaties such as are usual among friendly nations. America again led the way. Townsend Harris, the first consul general of the United States, arrived at Shimoda in 1856 and in the next year signed a convention which gave American citizens the rights of permanent residence at Shimoda and Hako date and opened Nagasaki to American ships. But Harris was not satisfied with this and pressed for permission to proceed to Yedo and negotiate directly with the Shogun. After ten months he succeeded and was received in audience. In 1859 a treaty was signed providing that the port of Yokohama should be opened from July 4, and that commerce between Japan and the United States should be freely carried on there. The Shogun's ministers signed this document without receiving the imperial sanction and were well aware of the danger they were incurring in acting contrary to public opinion, but they were also greatly impressed by the news communicated to them by Harris, of the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, the capture of the Taku forts, the Treaty of Tientsin and the impending arrival of British and French plenipotentiaries with squadrons to enforce their demands. They therefore thought it better to sign at once a moderate treaty with America which they could offer to other powers and per haps prevent them from asking for more. A few weeks after the signature of this treaty Lord Elgin, British commissioner to China and Japan, arrived at Shimoda, and on Aug. 20 concluded a treaty with Japan on the basis of the American treaty and in the follow ing October Baron Gros did the same thing for the French. In Feb. 186o, the Japanese despatched their first foreign envoys to Washington. Their time of absence was strictly limited and they remained only six weeks in America. A second mission was des patched in 1862, this time to all the European courts in suc cession, and it returned after spending a year in making this round of visits.
These proceedings may seem to be a victory for the Govern ment of Yedo, but they were not, and the Shogunate was now tottering. To begin with, the idea of abolishing the emperor was unthinkable to any Japanese. If the administration was to be simplified, it was clear to everyone that it was the Shogun who had to go. And for practical purposes it was no doubt better that the impending work of reconstruction should be undertaken by a power which, though ancient and sacrosanct, emerged from its retirement like something new, than by a worn out feudal ad ministration hampered by numerous quarrels with its vassals. In consenting to the treaties in 1865 the emperor was far from indicating that he yielded to the views of the Yedo Government. On the contrary he dismissed and punished the negotiators—a step without precedent and tantamount to withdrawing the ad ministrative commission given to the Tokugawa family in the time of Iyeyasu. On this the Shogun presented his resignation, but at the same time handed in a memorial showing that the opening of the country was inevitable. For the moment the resig nation was not accepted.
Parkes showed good judgment in getting into touch with the distant but powerful clans who were about to play a great part in the making of new Japan. In 1865 he went to Shimonoseki, where the authorities expressed satisfaction with the new treaty and next year he visited Kagoshima, where Prince Shimazu enter tained him with the utmost cordiality, and Shikoku. Satsuma purchased steamers and manufactured breach-loaders, and a batch of Satsuma youths were smuggled on board ship and sent for a course of instruction to England. Chosha continued to be in rebellion and the Government of Yedo at last persuaded the un willing emperor to begin an active campaign against it in the summer of 1866, but a few months afterwards the Shogun died at the age of 20, leaving no issue. Hereupon the emperor ordered the suspensions of the operations against ChOsha which had not been proceeding very satisfactorily. After some months Hitot subashi, who had been put forward as a candidate for the Shogunate in 1858, most reluctantly consented to accept it now and took the name of Keiki. He made it a condition that the emperor should listen to his advice and that the DaimyOs should promise him their support. He was invested with his dignity at Kyoto and never visited Yedo as ShOgun, a significant sign of the change which had taken place. Part of his programme was the punishment of the rebellious ChOsha clan, but three weeks of ter his investiture the emperor Komei suddenly died of small pox on Feb. 3, 1867, and in view of the court mourning and the accession of a new emperor the Shogun agreed to order the dis bandment of the troops on both sides.