THE WORLD WAR The Austrian ultimatum was presented to Serbia on July 23, 1914. Italy co-operated with Great Britain in trying to avert a catastrophe, and public opinion, although realizing that if a casus foederis under the terms of the triple alliance were to arise, Italy would be bound to stand by her allies, was hostile to the idea of siding with Austria. General relief was caused by Italy's declara tion of neutrality on Aug. 3 which was based on (1) Austria's failure to co-operate with Italy before taking action, (2) the fact that Italy had not been given time to act in favour of peace, or to make adequate military preparations and (3) the fact that Italy was not bound by the terms of the alliance to take part in an ag gressive policy. It was afterwards announced that no casus foe deris could arise for Italy in a conflict in which Great Britain was involved.' The question now was whether Italy should remain neutral to the end of the war. The Triplicists, although fairly numerous in Conservative and diplomatic circles, and in a part of the army, hardly went so far as to advocate intervention on the side of the Central Powers, for the invasion of Belgium had created a very unfavourable impression, but they advocated neutrality. The Catholics were neutralists from dislike of "atheist" France and Orthodox Russia and from sympathy with Catholic Austria. The "Official" Socialists were neutralists because they opposed all war except class-war. The Nationalists, Irredentists and some Liberals, realizing that this was the last chance for completing Italian unity and affirming Italy's position as a Great Power, favoured inter vention, while the Democrats, Freemasons, Republicans and Re formist Socialists were interventionists from sympathy with France. Mussolini's little group of Syndicalists desired interven tion, partly for the same reason as the Nationalists, but also in the hope that war would promote social changes. Mussolini re signed the editorship of the Avanti and founded a new paper, II Popolo d'Italia, which supported intervention.
On Oct. 16, 1914, the marquis di San Giuliano died, and the prime minister temporarily took over the Foreign Office. On Oct. 31 the Treasury minister, Rubini, resigned on a question con cerning the supply of funds for the army, and the cabinet followed suit. But Salandra himself reconstructed it by Nov. 5, and selected Sonnino as foreign minister. Owing to the troubles in Albania, the departure of Prince William of Wied and the Greek invasion of the southern districts, Italy occupied the islet of Saseno on Oct. 31, and on Dec. 26 the town and harbour of Valona. 1915 began
with a serious earthquake in the Abruzzi (Jan. 13), which caused the death of 30,00o people.
'The treaty of 1882 stated that "the treaty was not in any case directed against England." The Treaty of London.—Meanwhile the interventionist tend ency grew stronger. Both Salandra and Sonnino were determined not to let the war end without trying to acquire at least a part of the Italian districts of Austria, and to secure a rectification of the frontiers of 1866 which left Italy open to invasion. In Dec. 1914 Italy had reminded Austria that the invasion of Serbia, by tending to destroy the balance of power in the Balkans, gave Italy a right to compensation under the terms of Article 7 of the al liance as renewed in 1887. Sonnino demanded all the Trentino, the Isonzo valley, some of the Dalmatian islands, a free hand in Albania and the formation of Trieste and north-western Istria into an independent state, Italy in return to remain neutral to the end of the war. As Austria continued to give evasive replies, Italy opened negotiations with the Entente. On April 26, 1915, the Treaty of London was concluded between Italy, Britain, France and Russia, to be completed by naval and military conventions. Italy undertook to intervene, and was promised the Trentino and the Upper Adige valley to the Brenner pass, Trieste, Gorizia Gradisca, Istria and the Quarnero islands of Cherso and Lussin, Dalmatia to Cape Planka, Valona, full possession of Rhodes and the Dodecanese, and in Asia Minor a zone of influence and eventu ally a share in its partition. If an independent Albania were created, it would be under Italian control, while Italy would not oppose the cession of the northern and southern districts to Serbia and Greece if the other signatories so desired.
The poet D'Annunzio by his fiery speeches, and Mussolini by his articles, largely influenced public opinion in favour of inter vention. On May 3, 1915, Italy denounced the alliance with Aus tria, but Prince von Billow made a last effort to secure Italian neutrality through Giolitti, who, although informed by Salandra of Italy's engagements with the Entente, continued his neutralist activities. Salandra, knowing that if Giolitti declared his opposi tion, the cabinet must fall, resigned on May 13. But at once huge popular demonstrations in favour of Salandra and intervention were held all over Italy, and the king refused Salandra's resig nation ; Austria's final offer, no improvement on the last, was rejected.