Unity with the Allies

UNITY WITH THE ALLIES Italy Enters the War.—On May 20, 1915, the Chamber and the Senate granted the Government full powers. On the 23rd the general mobilization was ordered, and on the 24th war against Austria was declared, while diplomatic relations with Germany were broken off. Owing to the persecution of Italian subjects in Turkey and Turkish assistance to the rebels in Libya, war was declared against the Porte on Aug. 21, and against Bulgaria in September. On Dec. 1 Sonnino adhered to the London Agreement, undertaking not to conclude a separate peace. An expeditionary force was sent to Albania, where it saved the remnants of the Serbian army driven from its own country.

The initial successes of the Italian offensive were satisfactory, but did not lead to definite results. The subsequent defeats sus tained in the Trentino and on the Asiago plateau (May 1916) shook the cabinet's position, and on June 10 Salandra resigned. Paolo Boselli, the veteran statesman, respected by all parties, formed a cabinet in which all shades of opinion, except the Social ists and Neutralists, were represented. Sonnino remained at the Foreign Office, while Orlando was transferred from the Ministry of Justice to that of the Interior.

On Aug. 4, 1916, of ter 11 days' desperate fighting, Gen. Cador na's forces captured Gorizia. On Aug. 27 Italy declared war on Germany, owing to the assistance she had afforded to Austria and the seizure of Italian property by the Imperial Government. In April 1917, the British, Italian and French premiers concluded a convention at St. Jean de Maurienne whereby it was agreed that in a future partition of Anatolia the Smyrna area was to be assigned to Italy.

During the operations of 1916 and 1917 the Italians achieved some important successes, and above all pinned down Austria's best troops, preventing her from sending reinforcements to the West. But the protracted struggle, the fearful losses, the collapse of Russia, and the grave privations at home had accentuated the feeling of depression in Italy, to which enemy and neutralist prop aganda contributed. The Socialists fomented the discontent. Claudio Treves's phrase, "next winter not a man in the trenches," the German peace offensive, the pope's allusion to "the useless carnage" and the defeatist campaign of the Giolittians began to affect public opinion and the war-weary troops. There were revo lutionary riots in Turin (Aug. 1917) and signs of a diminished military spirit among certain units at the front. Cadorna had repeatedly warned the Government, and particularly the minister of the interior, Orlando, but no attention was paid to him. This state of affairs and certain military errors of Generals Cadorna, Capello, Badoglio and others resulted in the disaster of Caporetto (q.v.) (Oct. 23, 1917).

In spite of this serious defeat, by Nov. 22 the army had recon stituted its front on the Asiago-Grappa-Piave line, and the ene my's advance was definitely held up. British and French forces hurried to assist Italy, but did not come into action till December. Cadorna was relieved of his command and succeeded by Gen. Diaz. The Boselli cabinet resigned (Oct. 26) and on the 3oth, Orlando succeeded as premier, while Sonnino remained at the For eign Office and Nitti became Treasury minister. The army was rapidly reorganized and the losses in material made good through the enterprise of the Italian manufacturers and the technical genius of Gen. Dallolio, minister of munitions.

On Jan. 8, 1918, President Wilson published his famous Four teen Points (q.v.). Those referring to Italy—"the rectification of the Italian frontiers on clearly recognized national lines," and "autonomy" for the peoples of Austria-Hungary—were of a nature to raise anxiety as to his intentions. From April 8 to 1 o the con gress of nationalities oppressed by Austria met in Rome, and al though organized by a private committee, its delegates were re ceived by Orlando, to whom they presented the so-called "Pact of Rome." This should have been an earnest of mutual good-will between Italy and the Yugoslays, but it had no binding force and compromised the solution of the territorial problems in volved. Meanwhile the Yugoslays were conducting a propaganda

to induce Britain and France to rescind the objectionable clauses of the London Treaty, and even proposed that, should Italy ,re main obdurate, the Allies and America should cut off her supplies of food and fuel, a request which was rejected. The economic situation was becoming worse, and Italy suffered restrictions and privations greater than those of any other Allied country.

In June, 1918, the Austrians launched an offensive on the Asi ago-Piave front, but were driven back with heavy losses. The Italian contingent in Macedonia, commanded by Gen. Mombelli, contributed materially to the victory in the Balkans (Sept. 15-29). On Oct. 24, Diaz delivered his attack on the Austrians from Asiago to the sea, and by Nov. 3 "what had been one of the most powerful armies in the world," as the victory communique stated, "was annihilated." Some 600,000 prisoners, 7,000 guns and immense quantities of material were captured. The same day at Villa Giusti near Padua the armistice between the Italian and Austro-Hungarian armies was signed. The armistice came into force on Nov. 4, followed a week later by that with Germany. The whole area within the armistice line was rapidly occupied, as well as certain points beyond it for the maintenance of order. Italy's losses had amounted to well over 600,000 killed and a mil lion seriously wounded, including 220,000 permanently disabled.

The Peace Conference.--On

Feb. 7, 1919, the Italian Govern ment presented a memorandum to the Peace conference, embody ing and justifying its territorial claims, which corresponded to those agreed upon in London, but Fiume was also mentioned, be cause on Oct. 31, 1918, the national council of that town had, in the name of the Italian majority, applied for annexation to Italy. Italian opinion was unanimous in desiring a satisfactory frontier and the protection of the Italianita of the Italian communities on the east coast of the Adriatic, but was divided on the details of the settlement. The Nationalists demanded the Treaty of London territories, plus Fiume. The rinunciatari were ready to give up Dalmatia, part of Istria and the Trieste hinterland, be cause they wanted to conciliate the Yugoslays and disregarded strategic necessities, but demanded Fiume. Bissolati, minister without portfolio, wished even to renounce the Alto Adige because of its German-speaking population. In the Italian Peace delega tion too, opinion was divided ; while Sonnino stuck to the Treaty of London and did not insist on Fiume, Orlando demanded the latter, but was prepared to compromise on Dalmatia. The Yugo slav counterclaims extended to the old Italo-Austrian frontier and even beyond it, and this attitude aroused much indignation in Italy, the more so as, until the very eve of Austria's collapse, the Croats and Slovenes had behaved as faithful subjects of the Dual Monarchy.

The Government had many internal difficulties to contend with. In Italy itself the Socialists and Communists, now that the war regime and the censorship were relaxed, took advantage of the general weariness of the people to foment revolutionary agitation, hoping to emulate their comrades in Russia. The financial situa tion was serious and the budget statement for 1917-18, pre sented on Nov. 2, 1918, showed a deficit of 6,271 millions. Bis solati, disagreeing with his colleagues over the Alto Adige and Dalmatia, resigned. On Jan. 1, 1919, the state of war was declared at an end throughout Italy, except in the Veneto. On the 3rd, President Wilson arrived in Rome and was received with frenzied enthusiasm as the man who had contributed the most to end the war, but the ministers who discussed politics with him suspected him of little sympathy with Italian aspirations.