ANTI-SEMITISM, a religious, political, and social agitation against the Jews, which played a conspicuous part in the political struggles of the concluding quarter of the i9th century and which manifested itself again in Germany after the advent of Hitler in The Jews contend that anti-semitism is a mere atavistic revival of the Jew-hatred of the middle ages. The extreme section of the anti-semites declare that it is a racial struggle, and that the anti-semites are engaged in an effort to prevent what is called the Aryan race from being subjugated by a Semitic immigration. There is no essential foundation for either of these contentions. Religious prejudices reaching back to the dawn of history have been reawakened by the anti-semitic agitation, but they did not originate it, and they have not entirely controlled it. The alleged racial divergence is, too, only a linguistic hypothesis on the phys ical evidence of which anthropologists are not agreed (Topinard, Anturo pologie, p. 444; Taylor, Origins of Aryans, cap. i.) . More over, the Jews have been Europeans for over i,000 years, during which their character has been in some respects transformed. The movement took its rise in Germany and Austria, very largely as a consequence of the widespread ruin brought about by the financial crisis of 1873. In that year an obscure Hamburg journalist, Wilhelm Marr, published a sensational pamphlet entitled Der Sieg des Judenthums fiber das Germanenthum ("The Victory of Judaism over Germanism"). The book fell upon fruit ful soil. It applied to the ancient prejudices a theory of nation ality which, under the great sponsorship of Hegel, had seized on the minds of the German youth, and to which the stirring events of 1870 had already given a deep practical significance. It also supplied the sufferers from the Krach with a welcome scape goat. It was, however, in the passions of party politics that the new crusade found its chief sources of vitality. The enemies of the bourgeoisie at once saw that the movement was calculated to discredit and weaken the school of Manchester Liberalism, then in the ascendant. Agrarian capitalism seized the opportunity of paying off old scores. The clericals, smarting under the Kultur kampf, which was supported by the whole body of Jewish liber alism, joined eagerly in the new cry. The agitation gradually swelled, its growth being helped by the sensitiveness of the Jews themselves, who contributed much to newspaper publicity. Towards the end of 1879 it spread with sudden fury over the whole of Germany. The secret springs of the new agitation were more or less directly supplied by Prince Bismarck, who, after his desertion by the national liberals under the leadership of the Jew, Lasker, began to recognize in anti-semitism a means of "dish ing" the liberals. Marr's pamphlet was reprinted, and within a few months ran through nine further editions. The historian Treitschke gave the sanction of his great name to the movement. The conservative and ultramontane press rang with the sins of the Jews, and in October an anti-semitic league was founded in Berlin and Dresden.
The leadership of the agitation was now definitely assumed by a man who combined with social influence, oratorical power, and inexhaustible energy a definite scheme of social regeneration and an organization for carrying it out. This man was Adolf Stocker, one of the court preachers. He had embraced the doctrines of Christian socialism, and he had formed a society called "The Christian Social Working-man's Union." He was also a conspic uous member of the Prussian diet, where he sat and voted with the conservatives. Under his auspices the years 188o-81 became a period of bitter and scandalous conflict with the Jews. The con servatives supported him, partly to satisfy their old grudges against the liberal bourgeoisie and partly because Christian social ism, with its anti-semitic appeal to ignorant prejudice, was likely to weaken the hold of the social democrats on the lower classes. The Lutheran clergy followed suit, in order to prevent the Roman Catholics from obtaining a monopoly of Christian socialism, while the ultramontanes readily adopted anti-semitism, partly to main tain their monopoly, and partly to avenge themselves on the Jewish and liberal supporters of the Kulturkarnp f . In this way a formidable body of public opinion was recruited. Violent debates took place in the Prussian diet. A petition to exclude the Jews from the national schools and universities and to disable them from holding public appointments was presented to Prince Bismarck. Jews were boycotted and insulted. Duels between Jews and anti-semites, many of them fatal, became of daily occurrence. Even unruly demonstrations and street riots were reported. Pamphlets attacking every aspect of Jewish life streamed by the hundred from the printing-press. On their side the Jews did not want for friends, and it was owing to the strong attitude adopted by the liberals that the agitation failed to secure legislative fruition. The crown prince (afterwards Emperor Frederick) and crown princess boldly set themselves at the head of the party of protest. The crown prince publicly declared that the agitation was "a shame and a disgrace to Germany." A manifesto denouncing the movement as a blot on German culture, a danger to German unity and a flagrant injustice to the Jews themselves was signed by a long list of illustrious men, including Herr von Forckenbeck, Professors Mommsen, Gneist, Droysen, Virchow, and Dr. Werner Siemens (Times, Nov. 18, 188o).
The first severe blow suffered by the German anti-semites was in 1881, when, to the indignation of the whole civilized world, the barbarous riots against the Jews in Russia and the revival of the mediaeval Blood Accusation in Hungary (see infra) illustrated the liability of unreasoning mobs to carry into violent practice the incendiary doctrines of the new Jew-haters. From this blow anti-semitism might have recovered had it not been for the divisions and scandals in its own ranks. Some of the extremists among the racial anti-semites began to extend their campaign against Judaism to its offspring, Christianity. In 1879 Prof. Sepp, arguing that Jesus was of no human race, had proposed that Christianity should reject the Hebrew Scriptures and seek a fresh historical basis in the cuneiform inscriptions. Later Dr. Eugen Diihring, in several brochures, notably Die Juden f rage als Frage des Rassencharakters (1881, 5th ed., Berlin, 1900, had attacked Christianity as a manifestation of the Semitic spirit which was not compatible with the theological and ethical conceptions of the Scandinavian peoples. The philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche, had also adopted the same view. With these tendencies the Christian socialists could have no sympathy, and the consequence was that when in March 1881 a political organization of anti-semitism was attempted, two rival bodies were created, the "Deutsche Volksver ein," under the conservative auspices of Herr Liebermann von Sonnenberg and Herr Forster, and the "Sociale Reichsverein," led by the racial and radical anti-semites, Ernst Henrici and Otto Bockel. In 1886, at an anti-semitic congress held at Cassel, a reunion was effected under the name of the "Deutsche anti-semi tische Verein," but this lasted only three years. In June 1889 the anti-semitic Christian socialists under Stocker again seceded.
During the subsequent ten years the movement became more and more discredited. The financial scandals connected with Forster's attempt to found a Christian socialist colony in Para guay, the conviction of Baron von Hammerstein, the anti-semitic conservative leader, for forgery and swindling (1895-96), and several minor scandals of the same unsavoury character, covered the party with the very obloquy which it had attempted to attach to the Jews. At the same time, the Christian socialists who had remained with the conservative party also suffered. After the elections of 1893, Stocker was dismissed from his post of court preacher. The following year the emperor publicly condemned Christian socialism and the "political pastors," and Stocker was expelled from the conservative party for refusing to modify the socialistic propaganda of his organ, Das Volk. Another blow to anti-semitism came from the Roman Catholics. They had become alarmed by the unbridled violence of the demagogues, and in 1894 the ultramontane Germania publicly washed its hands of the Jew-baiters (July 1, 1894). Thus gradually German anti-semitism became stripped of every adventitious alliance ; and at the gen eral election of 1903 it managed to return only nine members to the Reichstag.
More serious were the effects of the German teachings on the political and social life of Russia. Here mediaeval anti-semitism was still an integral part of the polity of the empire. The Jews were cooped up in one huge ghetto in the western provinces, "marked out to all their fellow-countrymen as aliens, and a pariah caste set apart for special and degrading treatment" (Persecution of the Jews in Russia, 1891, p. 5) . Their activity or "exploita tion," as it was called, was exaggerated and resented by the land owners who had been ruined by the emancipation of the serfs. Be sides this, a nationalist and reactionary agitation, originating like its German analogue in the Hegelianism of a section of the lettered public, had manifested itself in Moscow. After some early vicissi tudes, it had been organized into the Slavophil party, which, under Ignatiev and Pobedonostsev, became paramount in the govern ment, with a policy based on absolutism, orthodoxy and the racial unity of the Russian people. This was the situation on the eve of Easter 1881. The hardening nationalism above, the increasing dis content below, the economic activity of the Hebrew heretics, and the echoes of anti-semitism from over the western border were combining for an explosion.
A scuffle in a tavern at Elisabethgrad in Kherson sufficed to ig nite this combustible material. The scuffle grew into a riot, the tavern was sacked, and the drunken mob, hounded on by agitators who declared that the Jews were using Christian blood for the manufacture of their Easter bread, attacked and looted the Jewish quarter. The outbreak spread rapidly. Within a few weeks the whole of western Russia, from the Black Sea to the Baltic, was smoking with the ruins of Jewish homes. Scores of Jewish women were dishonoured, hundreds of men, women and children were slaughtered, and tens of thousands were reduced to beggary and left without a shelter. Murderous riots or incendiary outrages took place in no fewer than 167 towns and villages, including Warsaw, Odessa and Kiev. Europe had witnessed no such scenes of mob savagery since the Black Death massacres in the 14th century. As the facts gradually filtered through to the western capitals they caused a thrill of horror everywhere. An indigna tion meeting held at the Mansion House in London, under the presidency of the lord mayor, was the signal for a long series of popular demonstrations condemning the persecutions, held in most of the chief cities of England and the Continent. The tsar's ministers, ardent Slavophils, were not slow to recognize in the outbreak an endorsement of the nationalist teaching of which they were the apostles, and, while reprobating the acts of violence, came to the conclusion that the most reasonable solution was to aggravate the legal disabilities of the persecuted heretics. To this view the tsar was won over, partly by the clamorous indig nation of western Europe, which had wounded his national amour propre and partly by the strongly partisan report of a commis sion appointed to enquire into the "exploitation" alleged against the Jews, the reasons why "the former laws limiting the rights of the Jews" had been mitigated, and how these laws could be altered so as "to stop the pernicious conduct of the Jews" (Rescript of Sept. 3, 1881) . The result of this report was the drafting of a "Temporary Order concerning the Jews" by the minister of the interior. which received the assent of the tsar on May 3, 1882. This order had the effect of creating a number of fresh ghettos within the pale of Jewish settlement. The Jews were driven into the towns and their rural interests arbitrarily confis cated, with the result that their activities were completely para lysed, and they became a prey to unparalleled misery. As the grue some effect of this legislation became known, a fresh outburst of horror and indignation swelled up from western Europe. It proved powerless.
The Russian May laws were the most conspicuous legislative monument achieved by modern anti-semitism. They were an ex perimental application of the political principles extracted by Marr and his German disciples from the metaphysics of Hegel, and as such they afford a valuable means of testing the practical opera tion of modern anti-semitism. Their immediate result was a ruin ous commercial depression which was felt all over the empire and which profoundly affected the national credit. The Russian minis ter of finance was soon at his wits' ends for money. Negotiations for a large loan were entered upon with the house of Rothschild, and a preliminary contract was signed, when, at the instance of the London firm, M. Wyshnigradski, the finance minister, was in formed that unless the persecutions of the Jews were stopped the great banking-house would be compelled to withdraw from the op eration. Deeply mortified by this attempt to deal with him de puissance a puissance, the tsar peremptorily broke off the negotia tions and ordered that overtures should be made to a non-Jewish French syndicate. In this way anti-semitism, which had already so profoundly influenced the domestic politics of Europe, set its mark on the international relations of the Powers, for it was the urgent need of the Russian treasury quite as much as the termina tion of Prince Bismarck's secret treaty of mutual neutrality which brought about the Franco-Russian alliance (Daudet, Hist. Dipt. de l'Alliance Franco-Russe, pp. 2s9 et. seq.).
A new era of conflict dawned with the great constitutional strug gle towards the end of the century. The conditions, however, were very different from those which prevailed in the '8os. The May laws had avenged themselves with singular fitness. By confining the Jews to the towns at the very moment when Count Witte's policy of protection was creating an enormous industrial prole tariat they placed at the disposal of the disaffected masses an ally powerful in numbers and intelligence, and especially in its bitter sense of wrong, its reckless despair, and its cosmopolitan outlook and connections. As early as 1885 the Jewish workmen, assisted by Jewish university students, led the way in the formation of trade unions. They also became the colporteurs of western European socialism, and they played an important part in the organization of the Russian Social Democratic Federation which their "Arbeiter Bund" joined in 1898 with no fewer than 30,00o members. The Jewish element in the new democratic movement excited the re sentment of the government, and under the minister of the in terior, M. Sipiaguine, the persecuting laws were once more rigor ously enforced. They were not abolished until the revolution of 1917.
The only other country in Europe in which there has been legal ized anti-semitism is Rumania. In the old days of Turkish domi nation the lot of the Rumanian Jews was not conspicuously un happy. It was only when the nation began to be emancipated and the struggle in the East assumed the form of a crusade against Islam that the Jews were persecuted. Rumanian politicians preached a nationalism limited exclusively to indigenous Chris tians. Thus, although the Jews had been settled in the land for many centuries, they were by law declared aliens. This was done in defiance of the Treaty of Paris of 1856 and the convention of 1858, which declared all Rumanians to be equal before the law, and also in violation of the Treaty of Berlin under which Rumania agreed to abolish religious disabilities. It was not until 1919 that they were finally swept away.
In Austria-Hungary the anti-semitic impulses came almost sim ultaneously from the North and East. Already in the ' 0s the doc trinaire anti-semitism of Berlin had found an echo in Budapest. Two members of the diet, Victor Istoczy and Geza Onody, to gether with a publicist named Georg Marczianyi, busied them selves in making known the doctrine of Marr in Hungary. In 188o Istoczy tried to establish a "Nichtjuden Bund" in Hungary, with statutes literally translated from those of the German anti semitic league. The movement, however, made no progress. The news of the uprising in Russia and the appearance of Jewish refu gees on the frontier had the effect of giving a certain prominence to the agitation of Istoczy and Onody and of exciting the rural communities, but it did not succeed in impressing the public with the pseudo-scientific doctrines of the new anti-semitism. It was not until the agitators resorted to the Blood Accusation—that never-failing decoy of obscurantism and superstition—that Hun gary took a definite place in the anti-semitic movement. The out break was short and fortunately bloodless, but while it lasted its scandals shocked the whole of Europe. In April 1882 a Christian girl named Esther Sobymossi was missed from the Hungarian vil lage of Tisza Eszlar, where a small community of Jews was set tled. The rumour got abroad that she had been kidnapped and murdered by the Jews, but it remained the burden of idle gossip and gave rise to neither judicial complaint nor public disorder. At this moment the question of the Bosnian Pacification credits was before the diet. The unpopularity of the task assumed by Aus tria-Hungary, under the Treaty of Berlin, which was calculated to strengthen the disaffected Croat element in the empire, had re duced the government majority to very small proportions, and all the reactionary factions in the country were accordingly in arms. The government was violently and unscrupulously attacked on all sides. On May 23 there was a debate in the diet when M. Onody, in an incendiary harangue, told the story of the missing girl at Tisza Eszlar and accused ministers of criminal indulgence to races alien to the national spirit. In the then excited state of the public mind on the Croat question, the manoeuvre was adroitly con ceived. All the anti-liberal elements in the country became banded together in this effort to discredit the liberal government, and the Hungarian anti-semites found themselves at the head of a power ful party. Fifteen Jews were arrested and thrown into prison. No pains were spared in preparing the case for trial. Perjury and even forgery were freely resorted to. The son of one of the accused, a boy of 14, was taken into custody by the police and by threats and cajoleries prevailed upon to give evidence for the prosecution. He was elaborately coached for the terrible role he was to play. The trial opened at Nyiregyhaza on June 19, and lasted till Aug. 3. It was one of the most dramatic causes celebres of the century. Un der the brilliant cross-examination of the advocates for the defence the whole of the shocking conspiracy was gradually exposed. The public prosecutor thereupon withdrew from the case, and the four judges—the chief of whom held strong anti-semitic opinions— unanimously acquitted all the prisoners.
Meanwhile, a more formidable and complicated outburst was preparing in Austria itself. Here the lines of the German agita tion were closely followed, but with far more dramatic results. It was exclusively political—that is to say, it appealed to anti-Jewish prejudices for party purposes while it sought to rehabilitate them on a pseudo-scientific basis, racial and economic. At first it was confined to sporadic pamphleteers. By their side there gradually grew up a school of Christian socialists, recruited from the ultra clericals. For some years the two movements remained distinct, but signs of approximation were early visible. In 1891 the German Radical Nationalists under Schcnerer, who had joined hands with the anti-semitic leagues, formed an alliance with the feudal Christian socialists. During the elections of that year Prince Liechtenstein came forward as an anti-semitic candidate and the acknowledged leader of the united party. The elections resulted in the return of 15 anti-semites to the Reichsrat, chiefly from Vienna.
Although Prince Liechtenstein and the bulk of the Christian so cialists had joined the anti-semites with the support of the clerical organ, the Vaterland, the clerical party as a whole still held aloof from the Jew-baiters. The events of 1892-95 put an end to their hesitation. The Hungarian government, in compliance with long standing pledges to the liberal party, introduced into the diet a series of ecclesiastical reform bills providing for civil marriage, freedom of worship, and the legal recognition of Judaism on an equality with other denominations. These proposals gave a great impulse to anti-semitism and served to drive into its ranks a large number of clericals. In Oct. 1894 the magnates adopted two of the ecclesiastical bills with amendments, but threw out the Jewish bill by a majority of six. The Crown sided with the magnates and the ministry resigned. An effort was made to form a clerical cabi net, but it failed. Baron Banffy was then entrusted with the con struction of a fresh liberal ministry. The announcement that he would persist with the ecclesiastical bills lashed the clericals and anti-semites into a fury, and the agitation broke out afresh. The pope addressed a letter to Count Zichy encouraging the magnates to resist, and once more two of the bills were amended and the third rejected. The papal nuncio, Mgr. Agliardi, thought proper to pay a visit to Budapest, where he allowed himself to be interviewed on the crisis. This interference in the domestic concerns of Hun gary was deeply resented, and Baron Banffy requested Count Kalnoky, the imperial minister of foreign affairs, to protest against it at the Vatican. Count Kalnoky refused and tendered his resigna tion to the emperor. Clerical sympathies were predominant in Vienna, and the emperor was induced for a moment to decline the count's resignation, but he soon retraced his steps. Count Kal noky's resignation was accepted, the papal nuncio was recalled, a batch of new magnates were created, and the Hungarian ecclesi astical bills passed.
Simultaneously with this crisis another startling phase of the anti-semitic drama was being enacted in Vienna itself. Encouraged by the support of the clericals, the anti-semites resolved to make an effort to carry the Vienna municipal elections. So far the alli ance of the clericals with the anti-semites had been unofficial, but on the eve of the elections (Jan. 1895) the pope, influenced partly by the Hungarian crisis and partly by an idea of Cardinal Ram polla that the best antidote to democratic socialism would be a clerically controlled fusion of the Christian socialists and anti-scm ites, sent his blessing to Prince Liechtenstein and his followers. The elections resulted in a great triumph for the Jew haters. The new municipal council was, however, immediately dissolved by the government, and new elections were ordered. These only strength ened the position of the anti-semites, who carried 92 seats out of a total of 138. A cabinet crisis followed, and the premiership was entrusted to the Statthalter of Galicia, Count Badeni, who as sumed office with a pledge of war to the knife against anti-sem itism. In October the new municipal council elected as burgomas ter of Vienna Dr. Karl Lueger, a vehement anti-semite, who had displaced Prince Liechtenstein as leader of the party. The em peror declined to sanction the election, but the council repeated it in face of the imperial displeasure. Once more a dissolution was ordered, and for three months the city was governed by imperial commissioners. In Feb. 1896 elections were again held, and the anti-semites were returned with an increased majority. The em peror then capitulated. The growing anarchy in parliament at this moment served still further to strengthen the anti-semites, and their conquest of Vienna was speedily followed by a not less strik ing conquest of the Landtag of Lower Austria (Nov. 1896) . Af ter that a reaction of sanity slowly but surely asserted itself. In 1908 the anti-semites had governed Vienna 12 years, and, although they had accomplished much mischief, the millennium of which they were supposed to be the heralds had not dawned. On the contrary, the commercial interests of the city had suffered and the rates had been enormously increased (Neue Freie Presse, March 29, 1 So 1), while the predatory hopes which secured them office had only been realized on a small and select scale. The spectacle of a clerico anti-semitic tammany in Vienna had strengthened the resistance of the better elements in the country, and anti-semitism soon ceased to be a political force.
The last country in Europe to make use of the teachings of Ger man anti-semitism in its party politics was France. The anticleri calism of the bourgeois republic and its unexampled series of finan cial scandals, culminating in the Panama "Krach," afforded obvious opportunities for anti-semitism.
Nevertheless, it was not until 1882 that the movement was seri ously heard of. Paul Bontoux, who had formerly been in the em ploy of the Rothschilds, but had been obliged to leave the firm in consequence of his disastrous speculations, had joined the legiti mist party, and had started the Union Generale with funds ob tained from his new allies. Bontoux promised to break up the alieged financial monopoly of the Jews and Protestants and to found a new plutocracy in its stead, which should be mainly Roman Catholic and aristocratic. The bait was eagerly swallowed. For five years the Union Generale, with the blessing of the pope, pursued an apparently prosperous career, but in Jan. 1882 it failed, with liabilities amounting to 212,000,000 francs. The cry was at once raised that the collapse was due to the manoeuvres of the Jews, and a strong anti-semitic feeling manifested itself in clerical and aristocratic circles. In 1886 violent expression was given to this feeling in a book since become famous, La France juive, by Edouard Drumont. The author illustrated the theories of German anti-semitism with a clironique scandaleuse full of piquant per sonalities, in which the corruption of French national life under Jewish influences was painted in alarming colours. The book was read with avidity by the public, who welcomed its explanations of the growing debauchery. The Wilson scandals and the suspension of the Panama Company in the following year, while not bearing out Drumont's anti-semitism, fully justified his view of the pre vailing corruption. Out of this condition of things rose the Boulan gist movement, which rallied all the disaffected elements in the country, including Drumont's following of anti-semites. It was not, however, until the flight of General Boulanger and the ruin of his party that anti-semitism came forward as a political movement.
The chief author of the rout of Boulangism was a Jewish politi cian and journalist, Joseph Reinach, formerly private secretary to Gambetta and one of the ablest men in France. He was a French man by birth and education, but his father and uncles were Ger mans, who had founded an important banking establishment in Paris. Hence he was held to personify the alien Jewish domination in France, and the ex-Boulangists turned against him and his co religionists with fury. The Boulangist agitation had for a second time involved the legitimists in heavy pecuniary losses, and under the leadership of the marquis de Mores they now threw all their influence on the side of Drumont. An anti-semitic league was es tablished, and with royalist assistance branches were organized all over the country. In 1892 Drumont founded a daily anti-semitic newspaper, La Libre Parole. With the organization of this journal a regular campaign for the discovery of scandals was instituted. At the same time, a body of aristocratic swashbucklers, with the marquis de Mores and the comte de Lamase at their head, set themselves to terrorize the Jews and provoke them to duels. Anti semitism was most powerful in the army, which was the only branch of the public service in which the reactionary classes were fully represented. The republican law compelling the seminarists to serve their term in the army had strengthened its clerical and royalist elements, and the result was a movement against the Jewish officers, of whom Soo held commissions. In 1894, a promi nent Jewish staff officer, Capt. Alfred Dreyfus was arrested on a charge of treason. From the beginning the hand of the anti-semite was flagrant in the new sensation. Anti-semitic feeling was now thoroughly aroused. Panama had prepared the people to believe anything; and when it was announced that a court-martial, sitting in secret, had convicted Dreyfus, there was a howl of execration against the Jews from one end of the country to the other. Dreyfus was degraded and transported for life amid unparalleled scenes of public excitement. The Dreyfus case registers the climax not only of French, but of European anti-semitism. It was the most ambitious and most unscrupulous attempt yet made to prove the nationalist hypothesis of the anti-semites, and in its failure it afforded the most striking illustration of the dangers of the whole movement by bringing France to the verge of revolution. By a series of amazing accidents it was soon discovered that the whole case against Dreyfus rested on a tissue of forgeries and even worse crimes. Nevertheless, the authorities, supported by parliament, declined to reopen the Dreyfus case. It now became clear that nothing short of an appeal to public opinion and a full exposure of all the iniquities that had been perpetrated would secure justice at the hands of the military chiefs. On behalf of Dreyfus, Emile Zola, the eminent novelist, formulated the case against the general staff of the army in an open letter to the president of the republic, which by its dramatic accusations startled the whole world. The letter was denounced as wild and fantastic even by those who were in favour of revision. Zola was prosecuted for libel and convicted, and had to flee the country ; but the agitation he had started was taken in hand by others, notably M. Clemenceau, M. Reinach and M. Yves Guyot. In Aug. 1898 their efforts found their first re ward. A re-examination of the documents in the case by M. Cavaignac, then minister of war, showed that one at least was undoubtedly forged. (Esterhazy and Col. Henry, of the war office intelligence department—who cut his throat when under arrest— were the real culprits.) In spite of this damaging discovery the war office still persisted in believing Dreyfus guilty and opposed a fresh enquiry. It was supported by three successive ministers of war and apparently an overwhelming body of public opinion. By this time the question of the guilt or innocence of Dreyfus had become an altogether subsidiary issue. As in Germany and Austria, the anti-semitic crusade had passed into the hands of the political parties. On the one hand the radicals and socialists, recognizing the anti-republican aims of the agitators and alarmed by the clerical predominance in the army, had thrown in their lot with the D r'eyf usards ; on the other, the reactionaries, anxious to secure the support of the army, took the opposite view, denounced their opponents as sans patrie, and declared that they were conspiring to weaken and degrade the Army in the face of the national enemy. The controversy was, con sequently, no longer for or against Dreyfus, but for or against the Army, and behind it was a life-or-death struggle between the re public and its enemies. The situation became alarming. Rumours of military plots filled the air. Powerful leagues for working up public feeling were formed and organized ; attempts to discredit the republic and intimidate the government were made. The presi dent was insulted ; there were tumults in the streets, and an at tempt was made by M. Deroulede to induce the military to march on the Elysee and upset the republic.
The government now resolved to strike at the root of the mis= chief by limiting the power of religious orders, and with this view a drastic Associations bill was introduced into the chambers. This anti-clerical move provoked the wildest passions of the reaction aries, but it found an overwhelming support in the elections of 1902 and the bill became law. The war thus definitely reopened soon led to a revival of the Dreyfus controversy. The nationalists flooded the country with incendiary defamations of "the govern ment of national treason," and Dreyfus on his part loudly de manded a fresh trial. It was clear that conciliation and compro mise were useless. Early in 1905 M. Jaures urged upon the cham ber that the demand of the Jewish officer should be granted if only to tranquillize the country. The necessary faits nouveaux were speedily found by the minister of war, General Andre, and having been examined by a special commission of revision were ordered to be transmitted to the court of cassation for final ajudication. On July 12, 1906, the court, all chambers united, gave its judgment. After a lengthy review of the case it declared unanimously that the whole accusation against Dreyfus had been disproved, and it quashed the judgment of the court-martial sans renvoi. Nothing was left undone to repair the terrible series of wrongs which had grown out of the Dreyfus case. Nevertheless, its destructive work could not be wholly healed. For over ten years it had been a night mare to France, and it now modified the whole course of French history. In the ruin of the French Church, which owed its dises tablishment very largely to the Dreyfus conspiracy, may be read the most eloquent warning against the demoralizing madness of anti-semitism.
During the World War of 1914-18, which gave rise to a wide spread revival of national consciousness, anti-semitism of the Marr type made a fresh appeal to German and Russian public opinion, largely under the influence of a Germanized Englishman, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the son-in-law of Richard Wagner. The Bolshevist revolution in Russia, which was erroneously pictured as the work of the Jews, helped this new phase of the movement, and for a time a strange theory of a Jewish conspiracy founded on a secret Jewish teaching and aiming at the overthrow of Christian civilization obtained a certain vogue. In 1919 an effort was made in Germany to bolster up this superstition by re-publication of a book, Protocols of the Elders of Zion (Eng. edit. 1926), alleged to be the minutes of a secret Zionist congress at which this teaching was set forth. The book at first commanded a great deal of unde served attention, but in 1921 it was discovered by the Times to be an impudent forgery, the work of a former member of the Ochrana or Russian secret police. This was a crowning discomfiture of anti-semitism in Western Europe. (L. W.) For the fanatical recrudescence of anti-semitism in National Socialist Germany, see GERMANY.
The publication of a manifesto on July 14, 1938, by a group of Italian professors who urged prohibition of Aryan-Jewish mar riages was the signal for a new anti-semitic program by the Italian Government, less violent, however, than that of Germany. In Sept. 1938, official decrees ordered the emigration of foreign Jews who had entered Italy since 1919 and the expulsion of Jewish teachers and students from all schools. After the partition of Czechoslo vakia, anti-semitism in Europe gained a fresh momentum which culminated in the violent German riots of Nov. 1938. (X.) BIBLIOGRAPHY.-The most comprehensive works on anti-semitism Bibliography.-The most comprehensive works on anti-semitism are Israel among the Nations, by A. Leroy-Beaulieu (1895) and L'Anti-semitisnze, son histoire et ses causes, by Bernard Lazare (1894) . A good list of books relating to Jewish ethnology will be found at the end of M. Isidor Loeb's valuable article, "Juifs," in the Dictionnaire universel de geographic (1884) . To these should be added, Adolf Jellinek, Der Jiidische Stamm (1869) ; chwolson, Die semitischen Volker (1872) ; Nossig, Materialien zur Statistik (1887) ; Jacobs, Jewish Statistics (1891) ; and Andree, Zur Volkskunde der Juden 0880. A bibliography of the Jewish question from 1875 to 1884 has been published by Mr. Joseph Jacobs (1885) . During the period since 1885 the anti-semitic movement has produced an immense pamphlet literature. Some of these productions have already been referred to ; others will be found in current bibliographies. The most valuable collection of facts relating to the Russian persecutions of 1881-82 are to be found in the Feuilles Jaunes (52 nos.), com piled and circulated for the information of the European press by the Alliance Israelite of Paris. Complete collections are very scarce. For the subsequent struggle see the publications of the Bund (Geneva; Imprimerie Israelite) ; Semenoff, The Russian Government and the Massacres, and Quarterly Review, Oct. 1906. On the Rumanian question, see Bluntschli, Roumania and the Legal Status of the Jews (London, 1879) ; Sincerus, Juifs en Roumanie (London, 1901) ; Dchn, Diplomatic u. Hochfinanz in der rumdnischen Juden frage (19o1) ; on Hungary and the Tisza Eszlar Case, see (besides the references in Jacobs) Nathan, Der Prozess von Tisza Eszlar (Berlin, 1892) . On this case and the Blood Accusation generally, see Wright, "The Jews and the Malicious Charge of Human Sacrifice," Nineteenth Century, 1883 ; Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice (1909). The origins of the Austrian agitation are dealt with by Nitti, Catholic Socialism (1895), but the most valuable source of information is the Osterreichische W ochenschri f t, ed. Dr. Bloch. The case of the French anti-semites is stated by E. Drumont in his France juive and other works; the other side by Isidor Loeb, Bernard Lazare, Leonce Reynaud, etc. Of the Dreyfus case there is an enormous literature ; see especially the reports of the Zola and Picquart trials, the revision case before the Court of Cassation, the proceedings of the Rennes court-martial, and the final judgment of the Court of Cassation printed in full in the Figaro, July 15, 1906; also Reinach, Histoire de l'a ff afire Dreyfus 0908). On the history of the anti-semitic movement generally, see Wolf, Notes on the Diplomatic History of the Jewish Question (1919) ; The Peace Conference, Paris 19z9, Report of the Delegates of the Jews of the British Empire (192o) ; Wolf, The Myth of the Jewish Menace in I'Vorld Affairs (1921).