MODERN ASTRONOMY The Law of Gravitation.—The accumulation of facts does not in itself constitute science. Empirical knowledge scarcely de serves the name. Vere scire est per causas scire. Francis Bacon's prescient dream, however, of a living astronomy by which the physical laws governing terrestrial relations should be extended to the highest heavens, had long to wait for realization. Kepler divined its possibility; but his thoughts, derailed (so to speak) by the false analogy of magnetism, brought him no farther than to the rough draft of the scheme of vortices expounded in detail by Rene Descartes in his Principia Pliilosopjiiae (1644). And this was a cul-de-sac. The only practicable road struck aside from it. The true foundations of a mechanical theory of the heavens were laid by Kepler's discoveries, and by Galileo's dynamical demonstrations; its construction was facilitated by the develop ment of mathematical methods. The invention of logarithms, the rise of analytical geometry, and the evolution of B. Cavalieri's "indivisibles" into the infinitesimal calculus, all accomplished dur ing the 17th century, immeasurably widened the scope of exact astronomy. Gradually, too, the nature of the problem awaiting solution came to be apprehended. Jeremiah Horrocks had some intuition, previously to 1639, that the motion of the moon was controlled by the earth's gravity, and disturbed by the action of the sun. Ismael Bouillaud (1605-1694) stated in 1645 the fact of planetary circulation under the sway of a sun-force decreasing as the inverse square of the distance ; and the inevitableness of this same "duplicate ratio" was separately perceived by Robert Hooke, Edmund Halley and Sir Christopher Wren before Newton's dis covery had yet been made public. But Newton was the only man of his generation who both recognized the law, and had power to demonstrate its validity. And this was only a beginning. His complete achievement had a twofold aspect. It consisted, first, in the identification, by strict numerical comparisons, of terrestrial gravity with the mutual attraction of the heavenly bodies; sec ondly, in the following out of its mechanical consequences through out the solar system. Gravitation was thus shown to be the sole influence governing the movements of planets and satellites; the figure of the rotating earth was successfully explained by its ac tion on the minuter particles of matter; tides and the precession of the equinoxes proved amenable to reasonings based on the same principle ; and it satisfactorily accounted as well for some of the chief lunar and planetary inequalities.
Euler, Clairault and d'Alembert.—Newton's investigations, however, were very far from being exhaustive. Colossal though his powers were, they had limits; and his work could not but re main unterminated, since it was by its nature interminable. Nor was it possible to provide it with what could properly be called a sequel. The synthetic method employed by him was too unwieldy for common use. Yet no other was just then at hand. Mathe matical analysis needed half a century of cultivation before it was fully available for the arduous tasks reserved for it. They were accordingly taken up anew by a band of continental in quirers, primarily by three men of untiring energy and vivid genius, Leonhard Euler, Alexis Clairault, and Jean le Ronal d'Alembert. The first of the outstanding gravitational problems with which they grappled was the unaccountably rapid advance of the lunar perigee. But the apparent anomaly disappeared under Euler's powerful treatment in 1749, and his result was shortly afterwards still further assured by Clairault. The subject of planetary perturbations was next attacked. Euler devised in 1753 a new method, that of the "variation of parameters," for their investigation, and applied it to unravel some of the earth's ir regularities in a memoir crowned by the French Academy in 17 56 ; while in 1757, Clairault estimated the masses of the moon and Venus by their respective disturbing effects upon terrestrial move ments. But the most striking incident in the history of the verifi cation of Newton's law was the return of Halley's comet to peri helion, on the 12th of March 1759, in approximate accordance with Clairault's calculation of the delays due to the action of Jupiter and Saturn. Visual proof was thus, it might be said, af forded of the harmonious working of a single principle to the uttermost boundaries of the sun's dominion.
Lagrange and Laplace.—These successes paved the way for the higher triumphs of Joseph Louis Lagrange and of Pierre Simon Laplace. The subject of the lunar librations was treated by Lagrange with great originality in an essay crowned by the Paris Academy of Sciences in 1764; and he filled up the lacunae in his theory of them in a memoir communicated to the Berlin Academy in 1780. He again won the prize of the Paris Academy in 1766 with an analytical discussion of the movements of Jupi ter's satellites (Miscellanea, Turin Acad. t. iv.) ; and in the same year expanded Euler's adumbrated method of the variation of parameters into a highly effective engine of perturbational re search. It was especially adapted to the tracing out of "secular inequalities," or those depending upon changes in the orbital ele ments of the bodies affected by them, and hence progressing in definitely with time; and by its means, accordingly, the mechan ical stability of the solar system was splendidly demonstrated through the successive efforts of Lagrange and Laplace. The proper share of each in bringing about this memorable result is not easy to apportion, since they freely imparted and profited by one another's advances and improvements; it need only be said that the fundamental proposition of the invariability of the plan etary major axes laid down with restrictions by Laplace in 1773, was finally established by Lagrange in 1776; while Laplace in 1784 proved the subsistence of such a relation between the eccen tricities of the planetary orbits on the one hand, and their inclina tions on the other, that an increase of either element could, in any single case, proceed only to a very small extent. The system was thus shown, apart from unknown agencies of subversion, to be constructed for indefinite permanence. The prize of the Berlin Academy was, in 1780, adjudged to Lagrange for a treatise on the perturbations of comets; and he contributed to the Berlin Mem oirs, 1781-1784, a set of five elaborate papers, embodying and unifying his perfected methods and their results.
The crowning trophies of gravitational astronomy in the 18th century were Laplace's explanations of the "great inequality" of Jupiter and Saturn in 1784, and of the "secular acceleration" of the moon in 1787. Both irregularities had been noted, a century earlier, by Edmund Halley; both had, since that time, vainly exercised the ingenuity of the ablest mathematicians; both now almost simultaneously yielded their secret to the same fortunate inquirer. Johann Heinrich Lambert pointed out in 1773 that the motion of Saturn, from being retarded, had become accelerated. A periodic character was thus indicated for the disturbance; and Laplace assigned its true cause in the near approach to commen surability in the periods of the two planets, the cycle of disturb ance completing itself in about goo (more accurately 9292) years. The lunar acceleration, too, obtains ultimate compensation, though only after a vastly protracted term of years. The dis covery, just one hundred years after the publication of Newton's Principia, of its dependence upon the slowly varying eccentricity of the earth's orbit signalized the removal of the last conspicu ous obstacle to admitting the unqualified validity of the law of gravitation. Laplace's calculations, it is true, were inexact. An error, corrected by J. C. Adams in 1853, nearly doubled the value of the acceleration deducible from them ; and served to conceal a discrepancy with observation which has since given occasion to much profound research (see MooN) .
After Laplace.—The Mecanique celeste, in which Laplace welded into a whole the items of knowledge accumulated by the labours of a century, has been termed the "Almagest of the 18th century" (Fourier). But imposing and complete though the mon ument appeared, it did not long hold possession of the field. Further developments ensued. The "method of least squares," by which the most probable result can be educed from a body of observational data, was published by Adrien Marie Legendre in 1806, by Carl Friedrich Gauss in his Theoria Motus (1809), which described also a mode of calculating the orbit of a planet from three complete observations, afterwards turned to important account for the recapture of Ceres, the first discovered asteroid (see MINOR PLANETS). Researches into rotational movement were facilitated by S. D. Poisson's application to them in 1809 of Lagrange's theory of the variation of constants; Philippe de Pontecoulant successfully used in 1829, for the prediction of the impending return of Halley's comet, a system of "mechanical quadratures" published by Lagrange in the Berlin Memoirs for 1778; and in his Theorie analytique du systeme du monde (1846) he modified and refined general theories of the lunar and planetary revolutions. P. A. Hansen in 1829 (Astr. Nach. Nos. 166-168, 179) left the beaten track by choosing time as the sole variable, the orbital elements remaining constant. A. L. Cauchy published in 1842-1845 a method similarly conceived, though otherwise developed ; and the scope of analysis in determining the move ments of the heavenly bodies has since been perseveringly widened by the labours of Urbain J. J. Leverrier, J. C. Adams, S. New comb, G. W. Hill, E. W. Brown, H. Gylden, Charles Delaunay, F. Tisserand, H. Poincare and others too numerous to mention. Nor were these abstract investigations unaccompanied by con crete results. Sir George Airy detected in 1831 an inequality, periodic in 240 years, between Venus and the earth. Leverrier undertook in 1839, and concluded in 1876, the formidable task of revising all the planetary theories and constructing from them improved tables. Not less comprehensive has been the work car ried out by Professor Newcomb of raising to a higher grade of perfection, and reducing to a uniform standard, all the theories and constants of the solar system. The discovery of Neptune in 1846 by Adams and Leverrier marked the first solution of the "inverse problem" of perturbations. That is to say, ascertained or ascertainable effects were made the starting-point instead of the goal of research.
Practical Astronomy.— Observational astronomy, meanwhile, was advancing to some extent independently. The descriptive branch found its principle of development in the growing powers of the telescope, and had little to do with mathematical theory; which, on the contrary, was closely allied, by relations of mutual helpfulness, with practical astronomy. Meanwhile, the elemen tary requirement of making visual acquaintance with the stellar heavens was met, as regards the unknown southern skies, when Johann Bayer published at Nuremberg in 1603 a celestial atlas depicting twelve new constellations formedfrom the rude obser vations of navigators across the line. In the same work, the cur rent mode of star-nomenclature by the letters of the Greek alpha bet made its appearance. On the 7th of November 1631 Pierre Gassendi watched at Paris the passage of Mercury across the sun. This was the first planetary transit observed. The next was that of Venus on the 24th of November (0.S.) 1639, of which Jere miah Horrocks and William Crabtree were the sole spectators. The improvement of telescopes was prosecuted by Christiaan Huygens from 1655, and promptly led to his discoveries of the sixth Saturnian moon, of the true shape of the Saturnian ap pendages, and of the multiple character of the "trapezium" of stars in the Orion nebula. William Gascoigne's invention of the filar micrometer and of the adaptation of telescopes to graduated instruments remained submerged for a quarter of a century in consequence of his untimely death at Marston Moor (1644). The latter combination had also been ineffectually proposed in by Jean Baptiste Morin (1583-1656) ; and both devices were re contrived at Paris about 1667, the micrometer by Adrien Auzout (d. 1691), telescopic sights (so-called) by Jean Picard (162o 1682), who simultaneously introduced the astronomical use of pendulum-clocks, constructed by Huygens eleven years previously. These improvements were ignored or rejected by Johann Hevelius of Danzig, the author of the last important star-catalogue based solely upon naked-eye determinations. He, nevertheless, used tele scopes to good purpose in his studies of lunar topography, and his designations for the chief mountain-chains and "seas" of the moon have never been superseded. He, moreover, threw out the suggestion (in his Cometographia, i668) that comets move round the sun in orbits of a parabolic form.
The history of the Greenwich observatory is one of strenuous efforts for refinement, stimulated by the growing stringency of theoretical necessities. Improved practice, again, reacted upon theory by bringing to notice residual errors, demanding the cor rection of formulae, or intimating neglected disturbances. Each increase of mechanical skill claims a corresponding gain in the subtlety of analysis; and vice versa. And this kind of interaction has gone on ever since Flamsteed reluctantly furnished the "places of the moon," which enabled Newton to lay the foundations of lunar theory.
Edmund Halley, the second astronomer royal, devoted most of his official attention to the moon. Lut his plan of attack was not happily chosen; he carried it out with deficient instrumental means; and his administration (172o–1742) remained compara tively barren. That of his successor, though shorter, was vastly more productive. James Bradley chose the most appropriate tasks, and executed them supremely well, with the indispensable aid of John Bird (17o9-1776), who constructed for him an 8-ft. quadrant of unsurpassed quality. Bradley's store of observations has accordingly proved invaluable. Those of 3,222 stars, reduced by F. W. Bessel in 1818, and again with masterly insight by Dr. A. Auwers in 1882, form the true basis of exact astronomy, and of our knowledge of proper motions. Those relating to the moon and planets, corrected by Sir George Airy, 1840-1846, form part of the standard materials for discussing theories of move ment in the solar system. The fourth astronomer royal, Na thaniel Bliss, provided in two years a sequel of some value to Bradley's performance. Nevil Maskelyne, who succeeded him in 1764, set on foot, in 1767, the publication of the Nautical Alma nac, and about the same time had an achromatic telescope fitted to the Greenwich mural quadrant. The invention, perfected by John Dollond in 1757, was long debarred from becoming effective by difficulties in the manufacture of glass, aggravated in England by a heavy excise duty levied until 1845. More immediately efficacious was the innovation made by John Pond (astronomer royal, 1811-1836) of substituting entire circles for quadrants. He further introduced in 1821, the method of duplicate obser vations by direct vision and by reflection, and by these means obtained results of very high precision. During Sir George Airy's long term of office (1836-1881) exact astronomy and the tradi tional purposes of the royal observatory were promoted with in creased vigour, while the scope of research was at the same time memorably widened.
Between the time of Aristarchus and the opposition of Mars in 1672, no serious attempt was made to solve the problem of the sun's distance. In that year, however, Jean Richer at Cayenne and G. D. Cassini at Paris made combined observations of the planet, which yielded a parallax for the sun of 9.5", correspond ing to a mean radius for the terrestrial orbit of 87,000,000m. This result, though widely inaccurate, came much nearer to the truth than any previously obtained; and it instructively illustrated the feasibility of concerted astronomical operations at distant parts of the earth. The way was thus prepared for availing to the full of the opportunities for a celestial survey offered by the transits of Venus in 1761 and 1769. They had been signalized by E. Halley in 1716; they were later insisted upon by Lalande ; an enthusiasm for co-operation was evoked, and the globe, from Siberia to Otaheite, was studded with observing parties. The out come, nevertheless,. disappointed expectation. The instants of contact between the limbs of the sun and planet defied precise determination. Optical complications fatally impeded sharpness of vision, and the phenomena took place in a debatable border land of uncertainty. J. F. Encke, it is true, derived from them in 1822-1824 what seemed an authentic parallax of 8.57", imply ing a distance of 95,370,000 m.; but the confidence it inspired was finally overthrown in 1854 by P. A. Hansen's announcement of its incompatibility with lunar theory. An appeal then lay to the 19th century pair of transits in 1874 and 1882; but no peremp tory decision ensued ; observations were marred by the same optical evils as before. Their upshot, however, had lost its essen tial importance ; for a fresh series of investigations based on a variety of principles had already been started. Leverrier, in 1858, calculated a value of 8.95" for the solar parallax (equivalent to a distance of 91,000,000m.) from the "parallactic inequality" of the moon ; Professor Newcomb, using other forms of the gravi tational method, derived in 1895 a parallax of 8.76". For more recent researches on this problem see PARALLAX.
The exhaustive ascertainment of stellar parallaxes, combined with the visible facts of stellar distribution, would enable us to build a perfect plan of the universe in three dimensions. Its per fection would, nevertheless, be undermined by the mobility of all its constituent parts. Their configuration at a given instant sup plies no information as to their configuration hereafter unless the mode and laws of their movements have been determined. Hence, one of the leading inducements to the construction of exact and comprehensive catalogues has been to elicit, by comparisons of those for widely separated epochs, the proper motions of the stars enumerated in them. Little was known on the subject at the beginning of the 19th century. William Herschel founded his determination in 1783 of the sun's route in space upon the move ments of thirteen stars; and he took into account those of only six in his second solution of the problem in 1805. But in 1837 Argelander employed 390 proper motions as materials for the treatment of the same subject ; and L. Struve had at his disposal, in 1887, no fewer than 2,80o.
The photography of prominences in full sunlight was, after some preliminary trials by C. A. Young and others, fully realized in 1891 by Professor George E. Hale at Chicago, and independ ently by Henri Deslandres at Paris. The pictures were taken, in both cases, with only one quality of light, the violet ray of cal cium, the remaining superfluous beams being eliminated by the agency of a double slit. The last-named expedient had been de scribed by Janssen in 1867. Hale devised on the same principle the spectroheliograph (q.v.) an instrument by which the sun's disc can be photographed in calcium-light by imparting a rapid movement to its image relatively to the sensitive plate ; and the method has proved in many ways fruitful.
On Aug. 5, 1864, G. B. Donati analysed the light of a small comet into three bright bands. Sir William Huggins repeated the experiment on Winnecke's comet in 1868, obtained the same bands, and traced them to their origin from glowing carbon vapour. A photograph of the spectrum of Tebbutt's comet, taken by him on June 24, 1881, showed radiations of shorter wave lengths but identical source, and in addition, a percentage of reflected solar light marked as such by the presence of some well-known Fraunhofer lines. Further experience has generalized these earlier results. The rule that comets yield carbon-spectra has scarcely any exceptions. The usual bands were, however, temporarily effaced in the two brilliant apparitions of 1882 by vivid rays of sodium and iron, emitted during the excitement of perihelion-passage.
An important contribution of the spectroscope to astronomy is the determination of velocities in the line of sight by measure ment of the Doppler displacement of spectral lines. In 1868 William Huggins attempted these measurements; but no trust worthy results were obtained till much later. Probably the ear liest results that can be counted successful were those of H. C. Vogel who in 1888 substituted photographic for eye observation. The first extensive catalogue of radial velocities of stars was published by W. W. Campbell in 1911.
In regard to the progress of astronomy since the latter part of the last century we can only refer here to the general tend encies; fuller information is given in the separate articles on celestial objects and astronomical methods. One feature has been the development of statistical studies of the distribution, motions, and other characteristics of stars. Important work on the exten sion of the sidereal universe was done by H. von Seeliger who must be counted the pioneer of modern statistical astronomy; but the subject received most impetus from the researches of J. C. Kapteyn. This was the main line of stellar investigation from about 1902-1912, but since then there has been something like a reaction to intensive study of individual stars. More re cently the feature of stellar astronomy has been the application of atomic physics and the quantum theory to the conditions in the stars and nebulae. This closer linking of astronomy with physics (and in particular with thermodynamics) may be said to have originated in important pioneer investigations of the flow of radiation through a star's atmosphere by Arthur Schuster (1905) and Karl Schwarzschild (1908). The great possibilities in the interpretation of spectra were first made manifest by M. N.
Saha (1920).