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War of Sion

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SION, WAR OF.) But the change of regime in England, the quarrel between Queen Anne and the Whigs, and her growing dislike of Marl borough was disastrous for the allies' conduct of the war. The greatest change was, however, brought about by the death of Joseph I. (April 171 1) and the succession of Charles VI. 0711- 40). The same danger to the balance of power which had led the maritime powers to oppose the establishment of the Bourbons in France and Spain, now threatened them from the Habsburgs in Spain and Central Europe. England signed a separate treaty with France (Treaty of Utrecht, April I I, 1713) ; and the emperor had finally to submit to a compromise. On March 7, 1714, the Peace of Rastatt was signed. Charles finally renounced the terri tories in Alsace, but received Naples, Milan, Sardinia, the Tuscan sea-board and the Spanish Netherlands. The recognition by the emperor of the Bourbon Philip V. in Spain was not expressed in the treaty, but was implicit in it. When Philip, secretly supported by the duke of Savoy, attempted in 1717 to recover part of the Italian possessions, the emperor, in 1718, joined the alliance concluded in 1716 between England, Holland and France. The duke of Savoy was forced to cede Sicily to the emperor, receiv ing Sardinia in return. The support of the Saxon candidature in Poland (1733) led Charles VI. to war with France, Savoy and Spain. Charles, abandoned by the maritime powers, his allies, and supported too late by Russia, was defeated, and ceded No vara and Tortona to Savoy, the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily and the sea-board in Tuscany to Don Carlos, receiving in return the duchies of Parma and Piacenza (preliminary peace of Vienna with the king of France, Oct. 3, 1735; Peace of Vienna, Nov. 1738).

A war with Turkey (1736-39), in which Charles was allied with Russia, brought still graver losses : Bosnia, Serbia and the two Wallachias. The Peace of Belgrade (Sept. 1739) defined the lower Unna, the Save, and the Danube as far as Orsova as the Austro-Turkish frontier.

Internal Reforms.

In the 92 years between the Peace of Westphalia and the death of Charles VI. (174o) the constant effort of the rulers of Austria had been to strengthen the mon archical power against the Estates and increase the influence of the central organs on the conduct of the state. Their continuous wars and consequent unrelieved financial distress, which forced them again and again to apply for funds to the provincial Estates, gravely impeded these autocratic and centralist ambitions. Nev ertheless, they succeeded in diminishing the power of the Estates considerably in the German and Bohemian lands, and increasing the influence of the government over affairs throughout their dominions by re-organization of the central offices (formation of the Conference for Foreign Affairs c. 1660, establishment of the Permanent Conference, 1709, abolition of the Central Offices in Inner Austria and Tirol 1705, reorganization of the Austrian Court Chancelry 1705). The sovereigns and their advisers also adopted a definite commercial and industrial policy, and endeav oured, although unsuccessfully, to put order in the finances. The mercantile system was brilliantly represented in Austria ; Charles VI. founded trading companies in Ostend and Trieste, established Commercial Courts in various provinces, and formed a Board of Trade (1718) . Joseph I. founded the Vienna city bank (1706) ; Charles VI. established a central revenue office for the majority of the state revenues (1715).

Charles VI. and the Pragmatic Sanction.

The question of succession gave Charles VI. much anxiety. When Charles had appeared likely to become ruler of Spain, an agreement had been made between Leopold I. and his sons, Joseph and Charles, that Joseph should renounce the Spanish possessions and become sole ruler of the Austrian. As, however, Charles's prospects did not materialize, Leopold, in his will (April 1705), provided, Joseph consenting, that Charles, if the peace left him none of the Spanish possessions, should receive Tirol with the Swabian and other territories in the west. Still earlier (Sept. I2, 1703) the Pactugn thutzcae Successionis had laid down regarding the suc cession that the principle of primogeniture should hold, the legit imate male line always taking precedence of the female both in Spain and Austria, and that should either branch become extinct in its male line, its possessions should fall to the nearest male member of the other line; the female line and their descendants always coming after the male line. Charles's daughters should retain their rights to the lands of both branches if all male mem bers of the dynasty and Joseph's female descendants, which should always take precedence over those of Charles, died out. This pact, however, lost its importance when Joseph I. died in I7II without male issue, Charles becoming heir to the Habsburg dominions. The weakness of all these arrangements was that they were binding only on the Habsburgs, being merely unilateral ex pressions of the sovereign's will, and not that of the territories, in particular of Hungary, whose Estates in 1687 had reserved to themselves the right of election in case of the extinction of the entire male line of Habsburgs. Charles VI. therefore attempted to regulate the succession. On April 19, 1713, acting on his own prerogative, he informed his privy councillors and dignitaries of his wish that his kingdoms and territories should pass undivided, first to his male heirs on the principle of primogeniture, and in default of male line to his daughters, and in default again of any legitimate descendants of himself, to the daughters of Joseph I. and their legitimate descendants, and after them to the descend ants of his sisters and all other lines of the archducal house, ac cording to the principle of primogeniture. This declaration was not issued until March 17 2o, after Charles VI.'s son, born 1716, had died in the same year, his only other children being two daughters, born in 1717 and 1718. The Estates of the German Austrian territories accepted this settlement in 1720 and 1721, those of Transylvania and Hungary in 17 2 2 ; the Hungarian Estates reserved their electoral right in case of extinction of the male line. Joseph I.'s daughters on marriage, and their husbands also, were obliged explicitly to renounce any claims to the Austrian lands so long as issue of Charles VI. lived. Charles VI. made tireless efforts to secure for this law international recogni tion and the guarantee of the European powers. His whole foreign policy up to the end of his reign was directed to this endeavour, to which he sacrificed important interests of his dominions. In fact, Spain, Russia, Prussia, England, Holland, the German em pire, Denmark, France and Sardinia recognized the Pragmatic Sanction.

Maria Theresa; the Wars of the Austrian Succession.— On the death of Charles VI. (Oct. 174o) the male line of the Habsburgs became extinct. He was succeeded in Austria, Bohemia and Hungary by his daughter, Maria Theresa (1740-80) (b. I 717) who, in 1736 married Francis Stephen of Lorraine (which he ex changed against Tuscany in 1737). The Estates of her dominions recognized Maria Theresa's succession unreservedly, but Bavaria, Saxony and Spain laid claim to Habsburg territories, and Frederick II. of Prussia, claiming that old treaties entitled his house to parts of Silesia, declared war. His first great victory at Mollwitz (1741), encouraged France, Bavaria, Spain, Saxony and Sardinia to attack Maria Theresa, who, allied with the Maritime Powers, resisted with varying success. (See AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION, WAR OF.) At the Peace of Breslau (June 1742), concluded at Eng land's advice, she ceded most of Silesia to Prussia. In hoping to compensate herself in Bavaria for this loss, she occu pied that state, but Prussia intervened (1744), and the war was again victorious. The Treaty of Dresden (Dec. 1745) confirmed the provisions of the Treaty of Breslau without territorial altera tions. Fortunately for Maria Theresa, the Elector Charles of Bavaria (as Emperor Charles VII.) died early in 1745 ; his son concluded peace in April and in September Maria Theresa's hus band, Francis I., was crowned emperor The other enemies prosecuted the war in the Spanish Nether lands and Italy. But despite successes, won chiefly by the French commander, Maurice of Saxony (q.v.) in the Spanish Netherlands in 1746-7, France inclined to peace, as Russia had been induced by the Maritime Powers to help Austria, and England prosecuted the war against France at sea with increasing success. By the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (Oct. 18, 1748) Austria ceded Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla to the Spanish Infante, Philip.

Despite her territorial losses in these wars, Austria's prestige had risen. She had shown unexpected vitality, and in some re spects, notably the improved quality of her army and greater experience of her generals, was stronger than at the beginning of the struggle.

The period 1748-58 was occupied in preparations for carrying into effect Maria Theresa's determination to recover her lost possessions. The influence of Wenzel, Prince Kaunitz (q.v.) was predominant in convincing the cautious, hesitating empress that a reversal of Austria's foreign policy was necessary to the fulfil ment of these ambitions. Increasing differences, mainly of com mercial policy, with the Maritime Powers made the continuance of the old alliance impracticable, and Kaunitz, recognizing that Prussia, not France, was now Austria's chief enemy, persuaded Maria Theresa to ally herself with France. The Treaty of May I, 1756, confirmed and extended in 1757, ended the long Bourbon Habsburg rivalry. In the Seven Years' War (q.v.), France and Austria were ranged against England and Prussia. Despite the alliance with France and (later) Russia and some smaller powers, and the support of the empire, Maria Theresa failed to recover Silesia. The Peace of Hubertusberg (Feb. 15, 1763) restored the status quo ante bellurn. Austro-Prussian rivalry, however, sub sisted, and led to fresh conflicts when Joseph II., who succeeded his father as emperor in 1765, becoming simultaneously co-regent with his mother in the Habsburg dominions, planned on the death, without children of the Bavarian Elector (17 7 7) to annex Bavaria as compensation for Silesia. Frederick II., however, advanced into Bohemia, and as Maria Theresa shrank from another cam paign against Frederick, the Peace of Teschen was concluded (May 1779), whereby Austria received the Inn district, renounc ing all other claims on Bavaria.

First Partition of Poland.

The efforts of Catharine of Russia to extend her influence over Poland put Maria Theresa in a difficult position. She would gladly have supported the Poles, but found no encouragement from England or France, while Prussia had become Russia's ally in 1764. Neither could Austria intervene on Turkey's side in the Russo-Turkish war, which commenced in 1768, as Kaunitz, particularly, wished, since Joseph II. in his meetings with Frederick (1769 and 177o, the latter at tended by Kaunitz), failed to persuade Frederick to adopt a hostile attitude to Russia. Frederick considered a partition of Poland the best way to reconcile the interests of Prussia, Russia and Austria, and sought to win Catherine for this plan. At first unsuccessful, he eventually convinced her, and Maria Theresa, although her sense of justice revolted against the plan, had no alternative but to share the booty. By the Treaty of Aug. 5, 17 7 2 Austria received Zips and the districts included under the names of Galicia and Lodomeria. To make these acquisitions directly contiguous with Transylvania, Joseph occupied the Bukovina, part of the Turkish principality of Moldavia, in 1774, which Turkey, incapable of recovering it, ceded to him in May Maria Theresa's Internal Reforms.—Maria Theresa's in ternal reforms were momentous. Having asserted her right in the wars of succession to her father's dominions, she felt the necessity of giving these territories which had hitherto had little in common but the dynasty, an inner unity and firmer administra tion. While leaving the Estates intact, she reduced their rights and seldom convoked them. To unify the administration of the German-Bohemian territories and introduce some harmony of principle into the existing offices, the Austrian State Council (Staatsrat) was established in 176o, at Kaunitz's suggestion, to report on all questions submitted to Maria Theresa. 'The Council covered the whole state and thus debated questions concerning Hungary, the Spanish Netherlands and the Italian possessions as well as the German-Bohemian territory. The Directorium in publicis et casneralibus, which was charged with the political and part of the financial administration of the German and Bohemian territories, was established in 1749, but proving unsatisfactory, was abolished in 1761; the political and financial administrations were again separated, the former entrusted to the German Bohemian Court Chancellery, the latter distributed among three central organs, the chief being the Ho f kammer (Court Chamber) . A "Credit Deputation" was formed for the national debt of the German-Austrian territories. The Kormerzienrat (Commercial Council) was an independent body for the promotion of trade and industry. In 176o a Commission of Studies was established to supervise education, which was now considered definitely the concern of the state. The Government now not only organized the primary schools and drew up the syllabus for the upper schools and lay faculties of the universities, but after 1774 also settled syllabuses and text books for the theological faculties and monastic schools.

The contemporary theories of state supremacy and anti-papal feeling (Febronianism), wide-spread in the monarchy, in ecclesi astical as well as lay circles, deeply influenced the Government's relations with the Catholic Church. Various measures were de vised to strengthen the state in clerical questions. A new law forbade publication of papal bulls without the consent of the crown, and direct intercourse between the bishops and Rome ; the privileges of the religious orders were curtailed. Maria Theresa herself was a devout Catholic, distinctly hostile towards the Jews, against whom she issued several severe decrees, including decrees of expulsion, a fate shared on occasions by the Protestants. Her government devoted particular attention to taxation. Negotia tions with the Estates led to a considerable increase in the pro vincial contributions ; the basis of the land tax was revised, the estates of nobles and the Church submitted to the regular taxa tion. The customs system was revised (1775), although still in adequately. Maria Theresa also claimed the codification of the law as her prerogative, wishing to replace the extraordinarily numerous systems current by a single, unified code. In 1768 a unified criminal code and procedure (the Theresianische Halsge richtsordnung) was introduced for the German-Bohemian lands. Torture, retained here, was abolished in 1776. A civil code was completed in 1767, but not approved by the sovereign.

Joseph II. (1780-90) .

Joseph II. became sole ruler on Maria Theresa's death (Nov. 29, 178o), and proceded vigorously to en force his theories of enlightened despotism and etatisme. Above all, he aimed at completest centralization, not only in the German and Bohemian provinces, but throughout his territories, regard less of historic rights and tradition. The Hungarian Estates were never convoked. Outside Hungary the rights of the Estates were reduced, the principal affairs entrusted to the provincial govern ments. The diets were at first convoked frequently, but only to grant the Government's financial requirements. The financial and political administrations were reorganized (1782) and Joseph re frained only at the urgent representation of the State Council from uniting the judicature with the executive. Directories of police were established in all large towns on the model of Vienna, to supervise the population, and the secret police began its work in Vienna. The city charters were reorganized on bureaucratic lines. His centralistic tendencies and desire to accelerate the ad ministration induced Joseph in 1784 to introduce German as the administrative language in all his dominions, including Hungary. As regards the judicial system, he attempted to organize the courts with greater simplicity and uniformity, to concentrate judicial authority in the hands of the sovereign, and to create a competent magistrature. The civil procedure was organized in three stages: local courts, courts of appeal, supreme court. The criminal pro cedure was organized by the patent of 1787. Maria Theresa's unfinished codification was carried further. A "General Judicial Decree" (.4llgenneine Gerichtsordnung) was issued 1781 for the German-Bohemian lands, simultaneously with a bankruptcy law. The civil code was not completed, but portions of it, notably marriage law, were regulated. On Jan. 1, 1787 the first part of the general legal code (private law) came into force for the Ger man-Bohemian lands; 1788 the criminal procedure. Without con sulting the Estates, Joseph re-modelled the systems of direct and indirect taxation in the direction of equal taxation for all classes (land tax Patent of 1785). In 1781 he issued his "subjects' patent" (Untertanspatent) for the protection of peasants, regulat ing relations between them and their masters, to the advantage of the former, in the German-Bohemian lands. Most important of all was the patent of Nov. 1, 1781, abolishing serfdom and giving all subjects the right of marriage, free movement and instruction in any handicraft in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, soon after in Galicia, and in Hungary in 1785. Corvees and other contributions were left to the land owner as "urgent rights," but were reduced by further patents.

Joseph's intervention in ecclesiastical conditions in his do minions was drastic. The Patent of Tolerance (Oct. 1781) granted extensive concessions to the non-Catholic Christian creeds, while the Jews were freed from many restrictions imposed on them from earlier centuries. Joseph maintained the absolute power of the State even in ecclesiastical matters and wished to exclude the pope from influence over internal ecclesiastical conditions in his domains. No papal bull might be published without previous permission from the Government. Appeals to Rome and the pro cural of dispensations were forbidden. In 1782 the abolition of all purely contemplative monasteries was decreed and their prop erty confiscated by the State, which assumed control over the remaining monasteries. Theological instruction was completely taken over by the State and State general seminaries established. The Marriage Patent (1783) declared marriage a civil contract validated only by civil law. The pope's personal intervention with Joseph proved fruitless.

Both the revolutionary contents of these reforms and the auto cratic severity of their execution elicited wide-spread resistance, particularly among influential circles. Hungary resented deeply the violation of the Estates' traditional rights and the attempts at Germanization, and Belgium the anti-Catholic measures. In both countries there were revolts which the emperor could pos sibly have repressed, had he not been engaged simultaneously on an ambitious foreign policy as impracticable as his internal re forms. His hope of exchanging Bavaria for the Spanish Nether lands had to be abandoned when Frederick II. of Prussia founded a League of Princes (1785). He was equally unlucky in his at tempt to expand his territories eastwards, allied with Russia. Loudon's Turkish campaign of 1789 reversed the Austrian armies' ill-success in 1788 and Belgrade was captured, but the foreign and internal situation made it impossible to follow up the victories. Prussia, allied since 1788 with the Maritime Powers, concluded treaties with Turkey and Poland and armed. Russia, Austria's ally was weakened by an attack by Sweden, France by her revo lution. Simultaneously open revolt broke out in the Austrian Netherlands against Joseph's ecclesiastical and administrative innovations. The discontent in Hungary also became formidable and the Galician nobles were preparing a movement with Prussia's connivance, and opposition to Joseph's methods was growing even in the Austrian and Bohemian territories. Further, the treasury was empty. Joseph had to recognize that his plans were premature. He revoked most of his reforms in Hungary and the Austrian Netherlands.

Leopold II. (1790-92).

On Feb. 20, 1790, Joseph died, leav ing his brother, Leopold II., a dangerous situation at home and abroad. Leopold, who was far less talented than his brother, had been a liberal ruler as grand duke of Tuscany. In Austria, warned by his brother's failure, and intimidated by the Revolution in France, he reverted to the traditional conservative policy of Joseph's predecessors. His first efforts were to restore peace abroad and internal tranquillity. Abroad he was successful by re nouncing all territorial acquisitions. On Aug. 27, 179o, he under took in the Convention of Reichenbach with Prussia to conclude an armistice with Turkey on the basis of the territorial status quo ante bellum, and to conclude peace with the mediation of Prussia and the Maritime Powers. The armistice was concluded Sept. 1790, the peace signed at Sistova, Aug. 5, 1791. The status quo ante bellum was, roughly, re-established.

Leopold's attitude towards the French Revolution was dictated by the wish to preserve peace and avoid implications in European entanglements. To restore internal tranquillity he revoked almost all Joseph's reforms. In Hungary he sanctioned a number of laws framed to guarantee the Hungarian constitution against further violations and safeguard the independence of the internal ad ministration. Latin was introduced as the official language of ad ministration in Hungary, the office of Palatine restored. Here and in the German-Bohemian territories, the diets were again con voked, and many of their demands granted. The central ad ministration also reverted to Maria Theresa's system ; their ac tivities were reduced, the co-operation between different offices became less close. Leopold held most firmly to his brother's ecclesiastical policy. The State retained control over schools ; toleration, etc. was maintained intact. Although Leopold restored theological education to the bishops, abolished the General Semi nary and re-instituted some of the monasteries, priests were still looked on as servants of the State.

The Napoleonic Wars.

By caution and reserve, Leopold escaped an armed conflict with France. His son Francis (II. as Roman Emperor, 1792-1806, I. as Emperor of Austria, 1804-35) was forced by France's declaration of war (April 20, 1792) into a war which lasted intermittently till 1815 (see NAPOLEONIC CAM PAIGNS). Disunity between the Prussian and Austrian statesmen and generals, mutual jealousy and ambition influenced the attitude of the two powers and were largely responsible for the unsuccess ful course of the war in which, in 1793, England and Holland had united against France to be joined later by Spain; especially after Russia and Prussia had concluded the Treaty of Jan. 1793, where by both powers annexed large districts of Poland, while Austria was only to receive Bavaria instead of Belgium, as compensation. In consequence of Prussia's conduct, Baron Thugut (q.v.), a convinced opponent of Prussia, and determined to allow her no important enlargement except against a corresponding increase for Austria, took over Austrian foreign policy (March 1793). He attained his object. On Jan. 3, the treaty on the third partition of Poland was concluded, after Russia had suppressed the Polish rebellion and taken Warsaw. Austria received West Galicia. Prussia having concluded the Treaty of Basle with France (April 1795) and Tuscany and Spain having followed her example, the chief burden of the war with France rested on Austria. Her commanders were victorious on the Rhine, but defeated by Bonaparte in Italy.

An armistice, followed by a preliminary peace (April 18) was concluded at Leoben, the definitive peace being signed on Oct. 17 at Campoformio. Austria renounced Belgium, which was united to France, and the duchies of Milan and Mantua, incorporated in the new Cisalpine republic, but received a great part of the terri tory of the Venetian republic (whose independence was abolished by Bonaparte), including Venetian Istria and Dalmatia. The Emperor further consented that France should receive most of the left bank of the Rhine on concluding peace with the empire. At the congress of Rastatt, opened Dec. 1797, France obtained the cession from the empire of the whole left bank of the Rhine. Before the indemnification due to the imperial estates con cerned had been determined, war broke out again (Second Coali tion War, 1798-1801). Austria at first won considerable successes in Germany and Switzerland, and, allied with Russia, in Italy; but their effect was nullified through the disunity of the com manders. The Tsar Paul, imputing egotistical motives to the Austrians, recalled his troops, and Austria was left (i800) alone to face the French, whose troops in Italy were now again com manded by Bonaparte, returned from Egypt. Bonaparte's victory at Marengo (q.v.) (June 14), and Moreau's at Hohenlinden (Dec. 3, 1800) forced Francis to conclude the treaty of Luneville (Feb. 9, 1801), in his own name and that of the empire. This treaty repeated in essence the provisions of Campaformio and Rastatt.

The Austrian Empire, 1804.

The transformation of France into a hereditary monarchy under the emperor Napoleon I. (1804), caused Francis also to assume the title of hereditary emperor of Austria (Aug. Io, 1804), a title designed also to ex press the essential unity of the different Austrian territories. In 1805 Francis, principally in view of Napoleon's policy in Italy, joined the Anglo-Russian alliance against France, but after the crushing defeat suffered by his own and the Russian troops at Austerlitz (q.v.) on Dec. 2, he was forsaken by the Russians and forced to accept the humiliating peace of Presburg (Dec. 26, 1805) . Austria was cut off from Germany and Italy, and forced to relinquish territories which had long been hers to Napoleon. Her position as head of the German empire was gone. The formal dissolution of the empire followed when 16 princes in southern and western Germany concluded the Rhenish league under the protectorate of Napoleon (July 18o6). Under pressure and threats from Napoleon, Francis declared, on Aug. 6, 1806, that he con sidered the tie which had hitherto united him with the empire as broken, and renounced the dignity of Roman-German emperor.

Austria took no part in the Napoleonic wars of the following years; but the patriotic feelings of her inhabitants (and especially of the Germans) awoke. This movement was encouraged by the new foreign minister, Count Philip Stadion (q.v.), and assisted by the Archdukes Charles (q.v.) and John. Although here, and always, Francis remained cold and averse from any popular movement, he recognized the necessity of providing against future dangers. Austria's greatest difficulty, which seemed ir reparable, was financial. The value of the paper currency sank continually ; and a severe commercial crisis broke out in 1808. Nevertheless, Stadion accomplished sundry reforms, and the Archduke Charles attempted to raise the morale of the standing army, by the side of which he created a national force or Land wehr, to include all able-bodied men between 18 and 25. In 1809 Stadion and his supporters persuaded the emperor to undertake a fresh campaign against Napoleon. After initial reverses, the Austrian army, led by Charles, inflicted his first defeat on Na poleon at Aspern (May 21 and 22, 1809) ; but Austria's hopes were destroyed at Wagram (July 6). An armistice was concluded. After hesitating long between the rival parties of war and peace in his entourage Francis declared for the latter. Stadion fell, his successor, Count (later Prince) Clemens Wenzel Lothar Metter nich (q.v.), undertook negotiations with Napoleon, which, after long parleying, led to the Peace of Schonbrunn (Oct. 14, 1809), which imposed on Austria the severest sacrifices, including the loss of Salzburg, the Inn district and West Galicia.

Metternich and the French Alliance.—An immediate re sumption of hostilities was unthinkable; clever diplomacy was the essential, until the hour came to recover these losses. Metternich won over his sovereign for this policy. Austria courted Napoleon's friendship; his marriage to the emperor's daughter Marie Louise, enabled Metternich in Paris to get alleviations for the payment of the indemnity, although these were insufficient to ward off the state bankruptcy in Austria admitted by the Patent of Feb. 20, 1811. The financial crisis, mistrust in Austria's forces, the deep conflicts between Austria and Russia, and the hope that a French alliance would bring compensation for past losses, induced Metternich to recommend the emperor to conclude a treaty with Napoleon (March 14, 1812), whereby Austria undertook to supply 30,000 men for the Russian campaign, Napoleon promising his ally an indemnity and territorial gains should the campaign prove suc cessful. Whether Metternich, convinced of Napoleon's invinci bility, wished to link Austria's fate permanently with France, or only awaited a suitable moment to strike for freedom, is still undecided. Recent research tends to the latter assumption. It is certain that even after Napoleon's disastrous Russian campaign, Metternich still advocated caution for Austria. He concluded an armistice with Russia and armed, but would not join the Russo Prussian alliance of March 1813. The French alliance was, however, denounced (April 6, 1813), and simultaneously Austria's armed neutrality proclaimed. Another step was taken when Napoleon, after his victories at Liitzen and Bautzen (May 1813), concluded an armistice with his opponents (early June) to gain time for fur ther armaments. Austria armed, concentrated large masses of troops in Bohemia and assumed the part of intermediary. As, however, Napoleon refused to accept the sacrifices suggested to him, involving the overthrow of his entire political system in cen tral Europe, Austria declared her adherence to the Russo-Prussian alliance (Aug. io, 1813) and soon after declared war. The battle of Leipzig (Oct. 16-18, 1813) brought Napoleon's defeat. As, however, he refused to make peace, the war continued until his abdication and the first Peace of Paris (May 30, 1814).

Treaty of Paris and Congress of Vienna.— This treaty laid down the Po, the Ticino and Lago Maggiore as Austria's frontier in Italy, whereupon the incorporation of Lombardy and Venice in the Austrian monarchy was proclaimed (July 12). On June 3 Bavaria restored Tirol, Vorarlberg, Salzburg and, later, the Haus ruck and the Inn districts. The other questions were settled at the Congress of Vienna (Sept. 1814–July 1815). Austria received the "Illyrian provinces" ceded in 1805 and 1809, with Dalmatia and the Republic of Ragusa, the district of Tarnopol, Wieliczka and the Veltlin. The secundogeniture of the Habsburgs in Tuscany and the tertiogeniture in Modena were restored. Austria renounced all other territory lost since 1792. At Metternich's advice, Francis did not re-assume the title of Roman Emperor, since Metternich thought that a loose association of sovereign states under Austrian presidency, "powerful for defence, powerless for offence" would form a guarantee of the peace of central Europe and of Austrian preponderance, and in its councils Austrian diplomacy, backed by the weight of the Habsburg power outside Germany, would exer cise more influence than any possible prestige derived from a ven erable title that had become a byword for the union of unlimited pretensions with practical impotence. By renouncing Belgium and minor possessions in Western Germany, Metternich thought he was increasing the power of the Habsburgs, which now rested on a coherent territorial complex. He failed to see, however, that by this action, and by acquiescing in the establishment of Prussia in the Rhine provinces, Austria abdicated to Prussia her position as the bulwark against France.

Metternich's Sway (1815-48) .—From 1815-48 Metternich controlled Austria's foreign policy. The great successes he had achieved against Napoleon, and the predominant position assumed by him, and thus by Austria, at the Congress of Vienna, induced Francis, although he sometimes disagreed with his minister's polit ical views, to leave the conduct of foreign affairs almost entirely to him, especially as Metternich was an adept at clothing his advice in such a form as to enable Francis to look on the decisions he took as the outcome of his own initiative. The principles followed by Metternich have been described as "stability and legitimacy." Metternich wished to preserve the status quo formulated at the Congress of Vienna, because he saw no other certain way of insur ing lasting peace in Europe, which he thought indispensable for her war-weary and exhausted states, particularly Austria. Suffi cient measures should be taken against revolution from without, or any possible upheaval from within. This preservation of the existing order in the foreign and internal organization of the states of Europe was the essence of what Metternich called the "sta bility of things," and as progress and change in any direction seemed to him an unjustified attempt against the legitimate rights of existing authorities, he became the champion of "legitimacy." The alliance of Chaumont uniting the four powers, Austria, Russia, Prussia and England, renewed in Nov. 1815 and adhered to after 1818 by France, was to ensure the balance of power as restored in 1815. The great powers were to avoid conflicts with one another and prevent them between the other states, and between rulers and ruled within them, by their intervention, armed if necessary. He attempted to instill this principle into the congresses held on his initiative between 1818 and 1822, and on later occasions. Even the unrest which followed the French July revolution in many parts of Germany, and increased the power of the democratic par ties where constitutions were already in force, failed to alter Met ternich's conviction that his methods alone could be the salvation of all proper-thinking persons. He found confirmation in the apparent success of this policy within the Austrian monarchy. The occasional meetings of the Estates were mere forms, and the Hun garian diet, which functioned again after 1825, was not yet trouble some. The police, under Count Leopold Sedlnitzki, were every where supreme. Paid or voluntary spies reported every utterance made at meetings; any person of importance was under regular supervision ; all letters were opened. The draconic censorship suppressed any free literary activity. The government paid spe cial attention to the upper schools, and saw that the instruction conformed with conservative principles.

Francis I.: Internal Stagnation.—Francis's influence in the inner affairs of Austria was much stronger than in foreign policy, which he left increasingly to Metternich. Convinced that a reor ganization of the administration was necessary, and determined to create order, he began reforms, principally in the central govern ment offices, soon after his accession. His first, ill-considered ex periments, proved unsuccessful. Only in Aug. 1802, were the ar rangements perfected, which then remained practically unchanged till 1848. The political administration of all the German and Bo hemian hereditary provinces, Galicia and the Italian districts, was entrusted to the "United court chancelry" (V ereinigte Ho f kanzlei) , while the supreme judicial instance was revived for the judicature in those territories; the court chamber (Ho f kammer) and Banco Deputation took charge of all the state economic action throughout the monarchy. The State Council was replaced in Aug. 18o1 by an advisory Ministry (Staats- and Konferenzministerium), over whose debates the emperor presided, as highest instance for all state affairs. This institution, however, proved unsatisfactory, as the other central authorities had no direct communication with one another, all matters submitted for imperial decision being sent to the imperial cabinet under a chef de cabinet. As Francis also preferred, rather than attending conferences, to discuss questions with individual members, or to call for written opinions from the councillors, the conferences became ever rarer. In 1808 this Min istry was abolished, and the Council of State restored. In 1814 a further "advisory council" (Kon f erenzrat) was established, where especially important questions were treated after discussion in the Council of State. Nevertheless, the administration remained most imperfect. Its conduct still lacked any uniformity. The jurisdic tion of the departmental heads was strictly defined, and whatever lay outside this was reserved for imperial decision. Thus the em peror came gradually to represent alone any synthesis of the vari ous administrative departments, while the officials, high or low, avoided any responsibility, and the minutest questions were handed up through all the stages of the bureaucratic hierarchy, to be shelved and forgotten in the imperial cabinet ; for, industrious as he was, Francis could not permanently fulfil his self-imposed task. The re-organization of the provincial administration was equally unsuccessful. The introduction, on Jan. 1, 1812, of the general civil code, was beneficial for justice. Metternich recognized the dan gers inherent in the slow, inconsistent working of the machine of state, and would have liked to introduce reforms, where compatible with his "system." But Francis, naturally mistrustful, shrank more and more from radical changes. He contented himself with meeting immediate necessities, buried himself in details, and thus as Metternich said, "Austria was administered, but not ruled." Francis's ever-growing terror of popular movements made him averse from any tendency to give the people larger participation in political life. Thus Metternich's attempt in 1832 to persuade the emperor to grant a new constitution, to reconcile the "opposi tion between the monarchist principle and the democratic" failed. Accordingly, although the forms of the Estates remained un changed, their activity was steadily reduced. The diets were allowed to enact no legislation ; taxes were raised without consult ing them ; the rights of the Estates in the recovered provinces of Tirol and Carniola reduced. Even in Hungary, whose constitution was unaltered, Francis attempted, from 1813 to 1825, to rule with out a diet, demanding subsidies and troops direct from the coun ties. Only when the counties refused compliance with their king's commands, was the diet again convoked (1825), and promised regular convocation every three years, and the sole right of approv ing taxes and recruits.

Fear of the influence of oppositional politicians and liberal writ ers on the popular mind was the cause of Francis's severe repres sion of all assaults on the existing organization of the state and society. Political prisoners were tortured, not out of vindictive ness, but in the expectation that the "criminal spirit of enlighten ment" could thus be brought into the right path. All attempts to convince the emperor that these methods could never perma nently improve public conditions—a view shared by Metternich remained unsuccessful. Francis became ever deafer to such advice. In his will he warned his successor, Ferdinand I. (1835-48) to "displace nothing of the foundations of the edifice of state. Rule, and change nothing." Ferdinand I.—The new sovereign, weak-minded and incapable of really ruling, followed his father's advice so far as to leave to Metternich the conduct of foreign affairs. He was, however, in duced by court circles to establish the Conference of State (1836), as supreme administrative body. Its members were the Arch dukes Louis and Francis Charles, Metternich and Count Francis Anton Kolowrat. The ever-increasing rivalry between the two last-named impeded business, and Archduke Louis's dislike of novelty thwarted any reforms proposed by the ministers, or at best delayed their execution. Nevertheless, Austria followed other civilized States, although hesitatingly, in building railways, im proving communications, concluding commercial treaties, abolish ing many customs barriers, etc.

Internal Unrest.

Elsewhere, however, the governmental tra dition of passive waiting subsisted, even when signs of popular im patience multiplied. The meetings of the Estates began to be lively; those of Bohemia, Styria and Galicia advanced complaints and demands. The opposition to the central government was re inforced by the rapidly-growing nationalist movement among the non-German nationalities. In Bohemia the Czech nationalist elements united into a literary opposition; in the Yugoslav dis tricts "Illyrianism" was the catch-word; in Hungary Count Ste phen Szechenyi inaugurated a national liberal opposition; in the Italian provinces dislike of the Austrian regime, despite the many administrative reforms introduced by Austria, grew boundless. Even where nationalist influences were absent, as in the German Austrian districts, discontent increased. The Styrian Diet discussed the necessity of agrarian reform. The Estates of Lower Austria demanded greater participation in public affairs, publication of the budget, and abolition of corvees, and in Vienna, despite all threats of the police, the demand of the upper circles for greater liberty grew louder. The works of Anastasius Grun and Lenau's songs of liberty, Heine's and Borne's writings were read with enthusi asm. Liberal periodicals, smuggled in from Germany, were de voured. The impression made by Andrian von Werburg's anony mous pamphlet, "Austria and her Future" (1841) proved that many good Austrians agreed with him, that "the anarchy of a studied despotism was intolerable." The masses, less affected by the spiritual tyranny, were goaded by the severe economic depres sion. Peasants, artisans, traders and the growing number of indus trial labourers, demanded reforms and grew increasingly embit tered as they were forced to realize that no help would come from above. Riots occurred among the workmen and populace. Some of the responsible statesmen recognized the imperative necessity of timely reform ; even some members of the imperial house, espe cially Archduke John, advocated sensible reforms, but Archduke Louis remained obdurately averse from change, and Metternich lacked energy to press his better judgment on his powerful oppo nents. Such was the situation when revolution broke out in France (Feb. 1848) and the universal discontent found a vent.

The Revolution of 1848.

The revolt against the system of government in Vienna commenced in Hungary, where Louis Kossuth (q.v.), for some years leader of the Radical party, made the "inaugural speech of the Austrian revolution," on March 3, in the Hungarian Diet. Prague followed. On March 13 there was a rising in Vienna, led by the students. Views at Court were di vided; the opposition (now of long standing) turned against Metternich; the Archduchess Sophie, mother of the late Emperor, Francis Joseph, also belonged to it. On the evening of the 13th the abdication of the chancellor was announced, to the general joy; it was hoped that his system would fall with him. As further concessions, the students were armed, the middle-class constabu lary reinforced, committees convoked to consider what reforms should be introduced. On the following day the censorship was abolished and freedom of the press granted. On the 15th it was announced that deputies would shortly be summoned "to give the country a constitution." A few days later, a responsible ministry was appointed, at first under the aged Kolowrat, who was soon succeeded by Count Charles Louis Ficquelmont, later (May 4) by Francis Xavier Freiherr von Pillersdorf, an old opponent of the old system. All their hands were, however, tied, as the troops were in Italy, which had risen against Austrian rule. The Czechs, who seized the occasion to press their national demands, were promised a responsible central organ in Bohemia and equality of rights for Czech and German nationals (April 8). In Galicia the abolition of all dues and obligations arising out of the condition of servitude was promised. In Vienna, the National Guard, led by the Radicals and students' representatives was in charge, and established a Political Central Committee to safeguard the rights of the people. On April 25 the new constitution, on the model of the Belgian, was published. It broke completely with the past, granted liberty, introduced ministerial responsibility, a parlia ment of two chambers and juries. Nevertheless, the Govern ment's conditions appeared insufficient to the democratic-feeling middle classes and students. They objected to the imposition of the constitution from above, and to the two-chamber system. The proletariat condemned the indirect franchise and the exclusion of workmen and servants from suffrage. When the Government decreed the dissolution of the Viennese Central Committee and the National Guard (May 13), riots followed (May i 5) . Pillers dorf yielded. The dissolution was revoked, and a revised suffrage and the convocation of a single-chambered diet promised. After fresh riots, the Government allowed the formation of a committee of safety and abolished the limitations on the suffrage. Mean while Ferdinand and his family had left Vienna for Innsbruck. Archduke John was appointed plenipotentiary regent during the Emperor's absence (June 15) . Under pressure from the Com mittee of Safety, he dismissed Pillersdorf and called the Liberal leader, Anton von Doblhoff, who included in his ministry Freiherr Johann Wessenberg and also democrats such as A. Bach and Ernst Schwarzer. This ministry was to create a "popular mon archy based on the legally expressed will of the people" in co operation with the first Austrian diet, which was opened July 22, 1848. The 383 deputies from the German and Slavonic lands formed national groups, rather than stable political parties. The burning question was the liberation of the peasants who had sent 94 members to the diet. Hans Kudlich's motion to abolish serf dom and all rights and duties deduced therefrom (July 26) was debated; on Sept. 7, after excited debates and tenacious opposi tion from the Conservatives, a law was passed relieving the peas ants of their burdens. The landowners were promised indemni fication. Meanwhile the Government had gained successes in the provinces against the revolutionaries. A Czech rebellion which broke out in Prague in connection with the Slavonic Congress (June 12), was repressed by Prince Alfred Windischgratz. In Italy Radetzky defeated the Sardinian armies at Custozza (July 25). On August 5 Charles Albert evacuated Milan (see ITALIAN WARS). The court returned to Vienna (August 12), receiving an enthusiastic welcome which, however, soon cooled when con ditions remained unimproved. In September there were work men's riots in Vienna. Events in Hungary increased the unrest. The gap widened between the Radicals in the Hungarian diet under Kossuth and the Viennese Government. The former aimed at complete separation of Hungary from the monarchy; the lat ter at incorporating it with Austria as a province and abolishing all especial powers and rights possessed by the Hungarian nation. In Sept. 1848, the Viennese Government determined to act against the Hungarian opposition. Joseph Count Jellacic (q.v.), Ban of Croatia, who had been first dismissed from his post as a traitor, but later reinstated because he wished to break the Magyars and establish a uniform Habsburg kingdom, led his troops against the Magyars. Complaints lodged in Vienna by deputies of the Hungarian diet found sympathy among the Viennese democrats, but could not be brought before the Austrian Reichstag on ac count of the opposition of its Slav majority. The flight of the Palatine and the murder of Count Lamberg made the breach ir remediable. German-Austrian troops were ordered to march from Vienna against the Magyars on Oct. 6th; some of them, incited by the people, mutinied and remained victors in the consequent fighting. The revolt spread ; the minister of war, Count Latour, was murdered and the Arsenal stormed (Oct. 6). The proletariat and lower middle-classes now seized the power; the diet, munici pality and students' committee had little authority. The court fled to Olmutz (Oct. 7), leaving behind them a manifesto sharply condemning the behaviour of the Viennese and adjuring all right minded persons to combat the revolutionaries. Jellacic and Win dischgratz marched on Vienna. Incompetently led, abandoned by the provinces, supported too late by the Magyars, the revolu tionaries could not long hold the city against Windischgratz's troops, especially as provisions soon ran short. On Oct. 31st Win dischgratz entered Vienna, which surrendered to him. Some of the revolutionary leaders were executed; others imprisoned. The pop ulation accepted the dictates of the Government, now led by Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, ably supported by Francis Count Stadion, Bach and Karl Freiherr von Bruck.

Accession of Francis Joseph.

Parliament was convoked at Kremsier for Nov. 15, there to work undisturbed by the discords of the capit.il. On Nov. 27 a proclamation announced that the continuation of Austria as a united State was necessary for Ger many and Europe. On Dec. 2 Ferdinand abdicated, and his nephew, Francis Joseph (q.v.) (1848-1916) ascended the throne. In his inaugural proclamation he expressed the hope that he would succeed in uniting "all lands and races of the monarchy in one great body politic," while guaranteeing the peoples' rights to par ticipate in the legislature. The deputies in Kremsier debated, in deed, on a new constitution and on "fundamental rights." The former aimed at establishing a modern, multi-national state after the wishes and with the consent of the nations of Austria proper ; the "fundamental rights" were to include freedom of religion, press and speech, equality before the law, equal rights for all nationalities, juries, etc. The negotiations were still proceeding when Schwarzenberg, encouraged by the armies' successes in Italy and Hungary, dissolved the diet and published a constitu tion, dated March 4th, elaborated by Stadion. This was to be applicable also to the lands of the Hungarian crown. It was based on the Kremsier draft, but was less democratic. A number of juridical and administrative reforms followed. The arrangements for the extension of the agrarian reform was favourable to the peasantry.

Hungary answered the imposition of the constitution by con voking a Rump Parliament at Debreczin (April 14, 1848) which declared Hungary, with its partes adnexae, an independent State and the dynasty of Habsburg-Lorraine dethroned. Francis Joseph thereupon asked Tsar Nicolas I. for help, which was readily granted. The united Austrian and Russian forces proved too strong for the Hungarians. On Aug. 13, 1849, Arthur Gorgei (q.v.), with the main army, capitulated to Russia at Vilagos. Rus sia delivered the Hungarians to the discretion of the Viennese Government, which took severe reprisals. The Hungarian consti tution was declared annulled, Hungary reduced to an Austrian crownland, its partes adnexae created independent crownlands (see HUNGARY).

Austria was completely successful in Italy without foreign assistance. Sardinia having again declared war (March 1849), Austria was victorious at Novara ; in August Venice was retaken. Austria again ruled directly over the Lombard-Venetian kingdom; indirectly in Parma, Modena, Tuscany and the Romagna. These successes enabled Schwarzenberg to restore Austria's hegemony in Germany. The struggle between Grossdeutsch and Kleindeutsch in Frankfurt is discussed elsewhere (see GERMANY, History). Here it suffices to remark that Schwarzenberg's ambition of a seventy-million state in Central Europe, including all peoples of the Austrian empire and Germany under Austrian leadership, was not realized. The plan of the majority of the Frankfurt Parliament, a German feudal state under Prussia, excluding Aus tria, was also frustrated through Frederick William IV.'s refusal of the crown. All other schemes to weaken Austria in Germany were thwarted by Schwarzenberg. Prussia dared not embark on war in support of her policy of unification, and submitted at 01 mutz (Nov. 185o). The problem of Germany's future constitu tion remained, for the time, open ; but soon of ter, the old German federal constitution and diet were restored.

The Period of Absolutism.

The ex-democrat Bach, Stadion's successor, and Freiherr Baron Max Carl Kibbeck, a former Lib eral, did their best to make Austria into a unified, but absolutist, state. In April 1851, the Reichsrat (Imperial Council), a consulta tive body nominated by the emperor, was established. Its leading figure was Kubeck, at whose instance the constitution of March 4, 1849, was suspended on Dec. 31, 1851 together with the funda mental laws and jury system. Judicature and executive were then united in the lower instances. Even of ter Schwarzenberg's death (April 1852), the reaction continued, as exemplified in the penal law of 1852, the Law of the Right of Free Assembly and the Press regulations. In education, clerical influence predominated, though Count Leopold Thun admittedly introduced many re forms. Economic reforms were also not lacking. The internal customs barrier between Austria and Hungary was abolished (Nov. 185o). The customs tariff of Nov. 1851 replaced the sys tem of prohibition by moderate protection. Bruck, the minister of commerce, tried to accomplish economic union with Germany, but Prussian opposition wrecked his proposed customs union, al though he concluded a commercial and customs treaty with Prus sia (Feb. 1853), whereby each party accorded the other certain benefits. The financial situation, however, continued gloomy; the deficit grew ; while the system of espionage and police suspension reached its climax. Meanwhile the bishops, led in Austria by Cardinal Joseph Othmar Rauscher, one of Francis Joseph's tutors, convinced the court that the revolution had only been the consequence of national unbelief. Various decrees granted the clergy increased rights and influence ; finally a concordat was con cluded (Aug. 18, 18S 5) which ensured the Catholic Church and clergy a privileged position, entrusted education to the clergy, and contained an assurance to the Vatican that Austria would alter no confessional or inter-confessional laws without its previous con sent. Further concessions to the Church followed, especially regarding marriage law.

The Crimean War.

Whether the autocratic regime evolved in the 1850's could prove permanent inevitably depended mainly on foreign policy. If Austria could maintain the position she had achieved in the early 'so's in Germany and Europe, no revolt need be feared from the discontented peoples. This was, however, not the case. Francis Joseph's foreign policy was unfortunate. In the Crimean War (q.v.) (1854-56) his attitude was vacillating, and pleased no party. At the Congress of Paris (Feb. and March, 1856) Austria paid for her vacillation. She had to renounce the acquisition of the Danube principalities, which she had occupied and hoped to incorporate, and withdraw her troops.

More unlucky still was the outcome of Austria's conflict with Sardinia in 1859 (see ITALIAN WARS). The Austrian troops were defeated, Lombardy was lost (Treaty of Villa-franca : Peace of Zurich) . This great victory for the movement for Italian unity, led by the house of Savoy, was succeeded by the declaration of Parma, Modena, the Romagna and Tuscany that they wished to unite themselves with Sardinia. Austria retained only Venice.

Constitutional Experiments.

These reverses abroad neces sitated abandoning the discredited absolutist system. Slowly and reluctantly Francis Joseph consented to change the constitution. In August 1859, the ministry of Count Johann Bernhard Rech berg and Count Agenor Goluchowski was formed. The first at tempt at reorganization consisted in the convocation of a "rein forced Reichstag" (reinforced by comparison with that of 1851). It sat from May 31 to Sept. 28, 186o, but without result, agree ment proving impossible between the "federalist" majority who wished to strengthen the "historical and political individuality of the provinces," against the central authority, and the "centralist" minority who championed the unity of the empire. All parties condemned the previous methods of government. The attitude of Hungary, where discontent with the Bach system was general, turned the scale. Hungary's old constitution had been revoked, her traditions violated, Austrians ruled in the land. The numerous emigrants fanned the flames, demanding restoration of her inde pendence, while the Conservatives urged an advantageous corn promise with the emperor. Francis Joseph, who attached great importance to the warnings of this party, decided to meet the spirit of the times. The "October Diploma" (Oct. 20, 186o) di vided the legislative power between the Crown and diets and a Reichsrat, to deal with legislative questions affecting all kingdoms and provinces of the State alike. The Reichsrat, however, enjoyed only an advisory vote in legislation, but taxation had to be sub mitted to it. The lands of the Hungarian Crown were promised a new constitution. For questions concerning Austria proper only, a smaller council (engerer Reichsrat), excluding the Hungarians, was to be competent.

The new constitution, in its attempt to reconcile provincial autonomy with Imperial unity, satisfied no parties. The German "centralists" thought themselves disregarded. The discontent among the Liberal middle classes of German Austria grew when the provincial statutes compiled by Goluchowski, the new "min ister of State," gave small rights to the diets but large ones to the nobles and clergy. The Czechs welcomed the concessions to the lands of the Bohemian Crown, but like the Germans, they (the feudal nobility excepted) condemned the favours shown to the nobles and clergy. In Hungary, too, only the Conservatives were content, while the Liberals grumbled because the old rights of the Hungarian diet to pass taxation and vote recruits were transferred to the Vienna Reichsrat. Led by Franz Deak (q.v.) they de manded unrestricted restoration of the 1848 laws.

The ill success of the rapprochement with the "federalists" brought a reaction towards "centralism." Goluchowski was dis missed, and replaced (Dec. 186o) by the Liberal Anton Ritter von Schmerling (q.v.). In Feb. 1861, the ministry of Archduke Rainer (president) and Schmerling (minister of State) was formed. Rechberg remained minister for foreign affairs, Joseph Freiherr von Lasser, an excellent administrator, became minister of the interior. A new constitution, largely the work of Hans von Perthaler and Freiherr Tadaus von Lichtenfels, was issued on Feb. 26, 1861. The reinforced Reichsrat was replaced by a Staatsrat and a Reichsrat. The latter consisted of two houses : the Upper House (Herrenhaus) and the House of Deputies (Abgeordnete haus). The Reichsrat was to represent the whole State; a "nar rower Reichsrat," was to include only representatives of Austria proper and deal only with questions common to its various Crown lands. The competence of the provincial diets was restricted, the central parliament given the chief weight. In this parliament the electoral system was weighted to give the Germans the predomi nant position, and among them the great landed proprietors; franchise was indirect, members being deputed by the provincial diets, which were composed on the system of representation of in terests. Schmerling hoped thus to establish a unified centralist State under German control at the expense of the provinces and other nationalities. But the constitution satisfied only the German Liberals ; the advocates of absolutism in the army and bureau cracy and the supporters of feudalism and clericalism protested against its Liberal principles. The Slavonic provinces were vio lently opposed to it. The Bohemian diet condemned the electoral system and demanded that Francis Joseph be crowned king of Bohemia. The Poles, Slovenes and Italians also attacked the con stitution as dangerous to nationalist ambitions. The elections to the Reichsrat were consequently widely boycotted.

The opposition was strongest in Hungary, where the diet re jected the constitution decisively. Deak still maintained that the Hungarian constitution was still legally valid, while the Govern ment of Vienna declared it had been annulled by the revolution. The Hungarians now determined not to attend the Reichsrat. When the House of Deputies was opened (April 1861), the repre sentatives of Hungary, Croatia, Transylvania and Venice were absent. The various German Liberal groups, known as the "Con stitutional Party," dominated the assembly, which, the Hun garian representatives being absent, was taken as a "narrower Reichsrat." In 1863 the Czechs, disappointed in their expecta tions, withdrew from the parliament. The Reichsrat and Govern ment made praiseworthy attempts to reconstruct the State fi nances. The deficit was not abolished, but considerable economies were introduced and trade improved.

The grant of constitutional conditions was acclaimed enthusiasti cally by the Liberal parties in Germany; the more so when the constitutional conflict broke out soon after in Prussia. Schmerling hoped to utilize this feeling to reform the Bund on "Grossdeutsch" lines, giving Austria the preponderance in Germany, and the Ger man nation in Austria. He gained Francis Joseph for this plan, despite Rechberg's opposition. Francis Joseph convoked and opened a diet of Princes in Frankfurt (1863), but the reform was not effected, Bismarck (q.v.) having persuaded William I. of Prussia not to attend. The tension between Prussia and Austria grew, although they were reconciled once more (1864) over the Schleswig-Holstein question (q.v.).

Meanwhile Rechberg had resigned (Oct. 1864). His Schleswig Holstein policy was unpopular among the Liberals of Austria and Germany and his failure to win concessions from Germany in the customs question entailed his fall. Schmerling soon followed. Francis Joseph, who disliked him personally, abandoned him as soon as he lost the support of the Constitutional party; especially as the emperor had drawn closer to the Magyars after visiting Hungary (June 1865) and Deak's proposals offered hope of a compromise including the recognition of matters common to the whole State. Schmerling was replaced, at the instance of the in fluential Count Moritz Esterhazy, by Count Richard Belcredi, who aimed at restoring the old absolutism with a diet for each province, and maintenance of the Concordat. To this end the 17 provincial diets were convoked for November, and on Sept. 20, the Reichs rat was suspended by manifesto, the Government being empow ered by Patent to conduct necessary business in the interim. The Government's new course was recognized and strongly approved by the diets of Bohemia, Galicia, Istria and Bukovina, while the diets of the German provinces protested, though unsuccessfully, against the suspension of the constitution. In Hungary a diet was opened by Francis Joseph in person (Dec. i865). The speech from the throne recognized the validity of the 1848 laws, but de manded their prior revision on the lines of the October Diploma, while the Hungarians made any change conditional on prior rein troduction of the laws. Agreement was not quickly reached; but Deak prevented a rupture and obtained the appointment of 67 members (March 1, 1866) of a Parliamentary Commission of Compromise. In June a sub-committee presented a memorandum formulating conditions for the regulation of relations between Hungary and Austria. Deak and Julius Andrassy were the princi pal advocates of this compromise. (See HUNGARY.) Negotiations were still proceeding when war broke out with Italy and Prussia. Austria, though victorious on land and sea against Italy (Custozza, Lissa) was decisively defeated by Prussia at KL niggratz (July 3, 1866) and forced to yield. The negotia tions at Nikolsburg, terminating in the Peace of Prague (Aug. 1866), led to Austria's exit from the German federation and the cession of Venice to Italy; thus she lost for ever the hegemony in Germany and Italy conquered in 1815 and re-conquered in The Hungarian Compromise.—The military disasters inevi tably reacted on internal conditions. The policy of suspension was abandoned, for the disordered finances could not be reorganized nor the indispensable reforms achieved without restoration of the constitution. All parties agreed in this; but disagreed entirely on the next step. The "federalists" demanded equal rights for all nationalities; the extreme "centralists" a unified state under Ger man leadership; others a compromise between these extremes. For some time Belcredi's plan of a feudal-conservative, federative State with an absolute monarch at the head, seemed most prob able. But the opposition of the Hungarian moderates under Deak and Andrassy, and the German and Liberal parties in the German and Slavonic provinces, was too strong. Belcredi was replaced as minister president (Feb. 7, 1867) by the Saxon statesman Ferdi nand, Freiherr, later Count, Beust, who had succeeded Count Alex ander Mensdorff-Pouilly as foreign minister in Oct. 1866. Beust convinced Francis Joseph of the necessity of satisfying the Hun garians and Germans, convoked the "Narrower Reichsrat" in Austria and simultaneously appointed a ministry in Hungary to conclude the negotiations for a compromise, already far advanced. A responsible ministry was appointed in Hungary in Feb. 17, 1867, with Julius Andrassy as president, with whom, and with Deal, the conditions of the compromise were agreed. Francis Joseph made peace with the dominant party in Hungary on a basis which left his dominions a remnant of unity and left him complete control of the armed forces. By this compromise which, after receiving the emperor's sanction, was issued in various re scripts, the Habsburg dominions received the name of the Austro Hungarian monarchy. They fell into the Austrian and Hungarian halves, which were united only in the person of the sovereign and their common institutions, which included the ministries of foreign affairs, war and finance (the two last-named only for affairs of common interest) and the Austrian and Hungarian delegations composed of representatives of both halves of the empire, which were to debate on common affairs in Vienna and Budapest alternately.

These institutions were to be permanent, but the financial con cessions and customs and commercial accord were to be revised every ten years. Austria was to bear 70%, Hungary 3o% of the common expenditure. The coronation of Francis Joseph as king of Hungary (June 1867) was the outward token of his reconcilia tion with the Hungarians.

Austria After the Compromise.

In Austria proper the corn promise was vigorously opposed by the Slays; the Germans ap proved it, hoping now to be able to maintain permanently the supremacy in Austria ; all Liberals acquiesced, as they now hoped to achieve a liberal constitution. Indeed, the Government met the wishes of the parliament convoked in May 1867 in this respect, while parliament approved the compromise with Hungary, also passing the Government's budget without important alterations. Thus the Government accepted four fundamental State laws elab orated by the Constitutional Committee of the House of Deputies on the general rights of citizens, the execution of governmental and executive power, the judicial power and the establishment of a Supreme Court (Dec. 21, 1867). The first of these laws ensured all citizens equality before the law and in the holding of public office, complete freedom of confession and conscience, and liberty of knowledge and teaching. All this meant a break with the past and abandonment of Rome and the Concordat. The Supreme Court was to decide in conflicts concerning competence and ques tions of public right. Ministerial responsibility was a further governmental concession to the form of constitutional government. As a sop to the German autonomists and Slav and clerical "fed eralists," all matters not falling within the competence of the Reichsrat, which was exactly defined, were assigned to the provin cial diets—the opposite principle from that of 1861.

The Reichsrat having approved the Hungarian compromise, the first common ministers were appointed (Dec. 1867) and the first Delegations met in Jan. 1868. Meanwhile a new ministry had been formed in Austria (Dec. 1, 1867) composed of leaders of the Lib eral majority of the House of Deputies with two aristocrats, and Prince Carlos Auersperg as president. Its first important act (March 1868) was to bring forward in the upper house a Liberal marriage law already passed by the lower house (Oct. 1867), re storing the civil marriage law suspended by the Concordat, and civil judicature in marriage questions. Two further laws, the rela tion between school and church and the regulation of inter-confes sional conditions, were passed by both houses. All three Liberal laws received the emperor's sanction on May 25, 1868. The State was recognized as enjoying supreme control and supervision over all education and instruction, and inter-confessional conditions regulated on the lines of equality of rights. The Government dis regarded the sharp protests of the pope; recalcitrant bishops were punished.

Parliament also attacked administrative reform. The judicature was separated from the executive, the political service reorganized and the provinces divided into smaller units (Bezirkshauptrnann scha f ten) . Peasant entails, where still existing, were everywhere abolished in favour of free disposal, unless the provincial legisla tion prohibited the partition of peasant properties. Energetic measures were taken to improve the State finances ; some, as the Ground Tax Law, were carried through, others were still incom plete when the ministry resigned. In i868 a Military Service Law was passed, increasing the armed forces considerably; in 1869 a law introducing juries for political and press offences, and the Primary Schools Law.

The ecclesiastical and educational activities of the German Liberals were strongly opposed by the Clericals, and their central izing tendencies by the Slavonic peoples. The national struggle, which henceforward, until the monarchy fell, absorbed unremit tingly the best powers of all nationalities in Austria-Hungary, took open form after the institution of Dualism. Galicia was abandoned to the Poles, Polish introduced as the internal official language of most authorities, and other concessions granted which gave Galicia a separate status in Austria proper. Still the Poles were discontented; the Galician diet demanded a separate minis ter, responsible to the Galician diet, and entirely independent na tional administration and legislation. The Czechs aimed higher still. They denied the legality of the Reichsrat, and the 81 Czech deputies who abstained from the Bohemian diet, presented a dec laration (Aug. 23) denying the competence of the Reichsrat to pass laws valid for Bohemia, and demanded the restoration of the unified kingdom of the crown of King Wenceslaus (Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia). The Czechs of Moravia proceeded on simi lar lines. Counter-measures by the German majority—rejection of the declaration and suspension of Belcredi's Language Law of January, 1866—led to Czech excesses, which were repressed by force (Oct. 1868) .

Differences between Beust and Auersperg had led meanwhile to Auersperg's dismissal (Sept. 26, 1868) , and Taaffe, a child hood's friend of the emperor, became minister-president. Yet dis cord continued in Bohemia, in Carniola and in Trieste. In Dal matia there was an open rebellion in 1869; the Bocchesi refused to enrol in the Austrian Landwehr. To meet all these centrifugal tendencies a strong and harmonious Government was needed; whereas, actually, the cabinet was divided; the majority advo cated centralism and the methods hitherto adopted ; the minority (Taaffe, Potocki and Berger), reconciliation with the nationalist opposition. Both parties submitted their opinions in a memo randum to the emperor (Dec. 1869). He decided for the majority; Taaffe and his supporters resigned. Hasner became minister president.

To survive, the new cabinet had to make the Reichsrat inde pendent of the provincial diets, the centre of the opposition. The two-thirds majority necessary to introduce direct election to the Reichsrat was, however, unobtainable. Giskra, the chief sup porter of parliamentary reform, thereupon resigned (March 20, 187o). A few days later the Poles, Rumanians, Slovenes and Italians left the Parliament, which the Clericals had already for saken. The cabinet asked the emperor to dissolve those diets whose members had left the Reichsrat, and when he refused, re signed (April 187o). At Beust's suggestion, Francis Joseph invited Count Alfred Potocki to form a new cabinet. This was formed with difficulty and consisted principally of officials.

Potocki's efforts to reach a friendly compromise with the Czechs and Poles on the basis of the memorandum of December, 1869, to which he had been a signatory, broke down on the in creasing demands of the two nations. As the Germans were hos tile to the new ministry from the first, the latter dissolved the House of Deputies (May 1870) and all diets (the Bohemian not till late July), and convoked the new diets for late August, the Reichsrat for mid-September. The Government attempted to con ciliate the national parties, but could not grant the extensive de mands of the Czechs, who demanded recognition of the Bohemian State rights. The Czechs of both Bohemia and Moravia there upon refused to attend the House of Deputies. In the new House of Deputies the Constitutional Party and the Federals were evenly balanced; but new direct elections in Bohemia, over the head of the diet, gave the former the majority. It opposed the federalist ambitions of the Czechs, but also attacked the Government for attempting a compromise at the expense of the constitution. The ministry resigned (Nov. 24, 1870), but remained in office till Feb. 1871.

Two important events occurred during this ministry ; the Franco-German War (q.v.) and the abolition of the Concordat. After 1866 an influential party in Austria still hoped to recover Austria's hegemony in Germany, and was prepared to try a new campaign with Prussia. Not only the military party under Arch duke Albert (q.v.), but also politicians, notably Prince Richard Metternich, the Austrian ambassador in Paris, held this view. Beust, too, hoped for revenge ; but in the negotiations with Napoleon III., which lasted till the outbreak of the Franco-Ger man War, he watched over Austria's interests, which did not al ways coincide with Napoleon's. Francis Joseph was cautious, although he, too, cherished hopes of recovering Austria's hegem ony in Germany. When the war broke out, the negotiations be tween Austria, France and Italy, were almost complete ; but the peace party in Vienna, headed by the Hungarian minister-presi dent, Julius Andrassy, prevailed at the decisive Crown Council ( July 187o) ; it was resolved to remain neutral, provisionally. After the great military success of the Germans, this party defi nitely conquered ; Austria remained a neutral spectator of the foun dation of united Germany.

The abolition of the Concordat followed Pope Pius IX.'s dec laration of the dogma of infallibility. In July 187o the Govern ment, urged by the minister of cults, Karl Stremayr, announced that the Concordat was not to be maintained, and that Beust had informed the pope of its formal abolition. Simultaneously, Stre mayr was empowered to draft the necessary legislation for the Reichsrat.

On Feb. 5, 1871, the cabinet of Count Karl Albert Hohenwart Schaffle took office, after long private negotiations, kept secret even from Beust, with the aim of adapting the constitution to the demands of the Slays and satisfying the feudal and clerical parties. On April 25, 1871, the first of a series of bills for increasing considerably the legislative and administrative autonomy of the provinces was submitted to the Reichsrat ; the provincial diets were to receive the right of initiative in legislation. As this bill was rejected by the House of Deputies, Hohenwart resorted to other expedients. To placate the Poles, he appointed a minister for Galicia, and in April introduced a bill giving Galicia great independence. In May he offered to allow the Czech opposition an equal measure of autonomy. The protests of the German majority of the House of Deputies were disregarded, as the em peror supported the Government's action. The Reichsrat was pro rogued; the negotiations of the Czech opposition leaders, Hein rich, Count Clam-Martinitz and Francis Ladislaus Rieger, were carried further. The seven "constitutional" diets were dissolved and the Government, by manipulating the elections, got the two thirds majority in the House of Deputies, necessary for constitu tional alterations. The negotiations in Bohemia were now con cluded. In an imperial Rescript issued Sept. 12, 1871, Francis Joseph offered to revive the rights of Bohemia with its coronation oath. Simultaneously, a bill was introduced guaranteeing Czechs and Germans equal rights in all questions, especially language, and the preservation of their national individuality. The diet was re quired to consider a settlement of Bohemia's constitutional status. Thereupon a committee drafted the "Eighteen Fundamental Articles." They recognized the compromise with Hungary, but demanded for Bohemia a status similar to Hungary's. All ques tions concerning Bohemia, and not common to Austria and Hun gary, should be decided by the Bohemian diet. Austria should be dismembered into separate States, with a congress of delegates and a senate as common representation. On Oct. 10 these articles were submitted to the emperor, who refused his assent, as not only the German Liberal Ministers, including Beust, but Andrassy also declared Hohenwart's plan a menace to the unity of the empire. Attempts to induce the Czech leaders to decrease their demands failed. This sealed the fate of Hohenwart's ministry, which fell on Oct. 27, 1871. Beust was also dismissed (Nov. 8) and replaced by Julius Andrassy.

After a short provisional ministry, a new Liberal Government took office under Prince Adolph Auersperg, which after first assur ing itself a constitutional majority in parliament, set about an electoral reform, with direct franchise, independent of the diets, for the house of deputies, whose membership was raised to 353. The bill was brought in in Feb. 1873. The high franchise quali fication admitted only a limited circle of voters, the large land owners, chambers of industry and commerce, and towns, being favoured. The Liberal Government, co-operating with both houses of the Reichsrat, carried through several reforms. A new criminal procedure was introduced (1873) and a special court (V er waltungsgerichthof) established (1875), to which any citizen might appeal for legal redress against encroachments by the administrative authorities. In Jan. 1874, the Government intro duced its substitute for the provisions of the Concordat. An abortive attempt at marriage law reform was also made in Financially, the period of the Liberal regime is noteworthy for the financial crisis (May 1873), which necessitated state inter vention. It was followed by a commercial crisis. The campaign for protective tariffs began. The Government's reputation was damaged by the implication of some of its members in the scan dals attending the financial crisis of 1873. It was, moreover, weakened by disunity in its own camp, and was often openly opposed by its own partisans. At the same time, the Slays renewed their attacks.

The result of the protracted negotiations with Hungary, skil fully led by Koloman Tisza, over the revision of the financial com promise of 1867, was most unsatisfactory to Austria. The two ministries agreed (1877), indeed, to renew the customs agree ment for ten years and leave the quota of contributions unaltered; but in the bank question, the Dualist principle being introduced in the control of the Austro-Hungarian Bank, and in fixing the tariffs, Hungary exacted concessions which were approved by the Austrian Constitutional party only with the greatest reluctance.

The Eastern Question.

The Government had also to face a crisis in foreign policy. As foreign minister, Count Andrassy had, from the first, worked for permanently friendly relations with the new German empire, and Bismarck had met him half way. In Sept. 1872, the rulers of Germany, Austria and Russia had exchanged verbal declarations in Berlin, which in 1873 were set down in treaties directed towards the preservation of peace and, in particular, providing for common action in questions con cerning the Near East. Andrassy's attitude was dictated rather by desire not to thwart Bismarck's plans, than by confidence in his Russian policy. When the Eastern crisis of 1875 broke out (see EASTERN QUESTION), Andrassy was put into a difficult position. Opinion in the monarchy was divided: the Hungarians were Turcophile, the Poles Russophobe; all the other Slays were filled with pan-Slavonic enthusiasm; the Germans wanted peace. Andrassy favoured utilizing the occasion to extend the monarchy's power eastward, if possible by agreement with Russia. The two secret agreements of Reichstadt ( July 1876) and Budapest (Jan. 1877), supplemented at Vienna (March 1877) were the outcome of this policy; they promised Austria-Hungary the annexation of Bosnia and the Hercegovina under certain conditions. After de feating Turkey, however, Russia, disregarding her engagements towards Austria, concluded the Treaty of San Stefano (March 1878), establishing a Greater Bulgaria, entirely dependent on Russia, with autonomy for Bosnia and the Hercegovina. An drassy, supported by the emperor, and by England, determined to protest energetically against these conditions and prepared to support his decision, if necessary, by force. At the Congress of Berlin (June 13–July 13, 1878) Austria received a European mandate to occupy Bosnia and the Hercegovina, with the right to station garrisons in the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Andrassy had originally intended to annex Bosnia and the Hercegovina, but the energetic resistance of the Turkish delegates, the anticipation of opposition from the Magyars to annexation, and the inevitability of conflicts between the two halves of the empire over the attribu tion of the provinces induced him to accept occupation; a conven tion concluded with the Sultan furthermore described the occupa tion as temporary only ; the Sultan retained his sovereignty. The Austrian troops occupying Bosnia (July to Sept. 1878) met stub born resistance, which was only overcome after severe fighting.

The Germans of Austria and the Magyars had disapproved of Andrassy's policy of occupation from the first. The considerable sacrifices in blood and money entailed by its execution increased their discontent. While, however, Tisza convinced the Magyars that the satisfaction of their own national ambitions depended on their retaining the favour of the court, the leaders of the Austrian Constitutional party attacked the Government vigorously, and thus estranging themselves from the emperor, who declared their opposition "factious," and accepted the resignation of Auersperg's cabinet (Oct. 1878), although leaving it in office pending appoint ment of its successor. The Constitutional party continued its opposition during this period, and by their impractical struggles drove the emperor into the camp of the Federalists and Ultra montanes, who had supported the occupation and agreed to all financial demands.

Formation of the Triple Alliance.

The increasing influ ence !, of the Slays, Ultramontanes and feudal party in the GermanBohemian lands threatened to entail a change in the monarchy's foreign policy, which had been based on close and friendly rela tions with Germany. Andrassy, the chief exponent of this prin ciple, therefore seized an opportunity to link Germany closer with the monarchy. Bismarck, who recognized the danger of the tendencies, which became very apparent after the Berlin Congress, of the dynasty in Russia, and feared a coali tion between Russia, France and Austria-Hungary, took the initiative towards negotiations with Andrassy, which led on Oct. 7, 1879, to the conclusion of a secret treaty, whereby both States guaranteed one another mutual support in case of attack by Rus sia. Austria-Hungary was not, however, pledged to more than benevolent neutrality towards Germany in case of a Franco German war. Only if Russia co-operated with the adversary of one contracting party was the other pledged to assist with its com plete armed forces. The treaty, to which Bismarck only gained William I.'s consent with great difficulty, was a victory for Andrassy and for that party in Austria-Hungary which saw salva tion in the continuance of closest relations with Germany. At first concluded for 5 years, later automatically prolonged, the treaty became inoperative only on the fall of the two monarchies. Soon after its conclusion, Andrassy resigned, but his two first suc cessors, Baron Heinrich Haymerle (1881) and Count Gustav Kalnoky (1881-95) remained true to the fundamental principles of his policy. A series of treaties concluded in their terms of office before Bismarck's dismissal in March 189o, served to strengthen the Austro-German alliance, which was defensive and aimed at the preservation of peace, while safeguarding the inter ests of both contracting parties. Although Austro-Hungarian statesmen doubted the possibility of permanently reconciling the conflicting Balkan policies of their own State and Russia, a treaty was concluded through Bismarck's mediation (June 1881) be tween Russia, Austria-Hungary and Germany, which tempo rarily averted the threatened conflict between the two rivals. At about the same time Austria-Hungary drew Serbia into its sphere of influence. One year later (May 20, 1882) the first Triple Alliance treaty was signed, whereby Italy became an ally, al though not a permanently reliable one, of the Central Powers. In 1883 Charles I., King of Rumania, adhered thereto. Austria Hungary was then in the centre of this powerful international league, which not only safeguarded its foreign position, but also formed an effective protection against the growth of those cur rents which aimed at the unification of the nationalities other than German and Magyar in the monarchy with their co-nationals in the neighbouring foreign States. As allies of Austria-Hungary, the governments of Russia, Italy, Serbia and Rumania must try to curb—repress, they could not had they willed—the irredentist movements in their States. In 1884 the League of the Three Emperors was renewed. When it next expired (1887) the differ ences between Austria-Hungary and Russia, due chiefly to the changes in Bulgaria, had so increased as to make its renewal im possible. Bismarck, who, in view of the threat of a Franco-Ger man war, wished to maintain tolerable relations with Russia, con cluded a secret treaty with Russia, unknown to Austria-Hungary ( June 1887), granting Russia important concessions, but not breaking his obligations towards Austria-Hungary. The same policy had determined the renewal of the Triple Alliance in Feb. 1887; on the same principle, Bismarck sponsored the conclusion of the two treaties between England, Austria and Italy (March and Dec. 1887), which aimed at protecting the Mediterranean and Constantinople against possible Russian aggression. He en deavoured to prevent the outbreak of an Austro-Russian War, with conspicuous success in 1887 and i888, when the danger of such a conflict was greatest. His pertinacious efforts to create a real rec onciliation between Austria-Hungary and Russia through a parti tion of their spheres of interest in the Balkans were, however, unsuccessful.

Taaffe Minister-President, 1879.

The continuance of a Germanophile foreign policy was impeded by the changed situ ation in Austria proper in 1879. In August of that year Edouard Count Taaffe, the leading figure in Stremayr's provisional cabinet. became head of the new ministry, which included Ultramontanes Poles and Czechs, and also German Liberals. The Germans, how ever, obstinately refused to come to a real compromise and left the cabinet (the last of them in June 188o) which thus became a ministry of the Right. The Czechs dropped their policy of abstention, and returned to the House of Deputies ; then the Czechs, Poles and the Feudal Party formed the majority which offered the Government its support, which rewarded them with liberal concessions. Chief of these was the language decree of April 188o for Bohemia, Moravia and Galicia, which established the bilingual system in communications of the courts and adminis tration with the public; a measure which affected especially the officials in the solidly German linguistic districts of Bohemia. The German parties, the Clericals excepted, opposed this violently but fruitlessly. Their proposal that the Government should intro duce a bill establishing German as the language of state, and regulating the use of the language locally current, was rejected. In 1882 Prague university was divided into two parts: Czech and German.

The two groups of the Constitutional party, the Liberals and the Progressives, united to defend the unity of the State, and their own nationality, and constituted themselves the "United Left" (1881) . In 1832, however, the Clerical-Czech majority granted the vote to all payers of five guldens direct taxation in towns and markets. In the elections of 1885 the German parties lost ground and split again. The Government leaned even more on the Right, whose wishes it had to meet. The discontent of the Austrian Germans grew; but their influence was weakened by their own increasing disunity.

In 188-2 a "German national league" had been founded on the basis of the "Linz programme," which proposed that Galicia and Dalmatia should be detached and Austria become a predominantly Germanic state, in closer connection with Germany. A few years later, however, this party split. The liberal thinking members were estranged by the increase of anti-Semitism, and the anti Semites themselves divided, as a party of them, under Karl Lueger (q.v.), disapproved of the German nationalist tendencies. In 1887 the "Christian socialist league" was founded. Lueger, whose influence over the masses, especially the lower middle classes, was growing, approved Schonerer's anti-Semitism, but not the increasing German nationalist tendencies in his party.

The Labour Movement.

At the same time a strong move ment was spreading among the industrial labourers. Excluded from the legislation and administration of the State, they sought to gain influence through their own organizations and street demonstrations. The severity and repression of the Government envenomed their discontent. The radicals among them, who ad vocated countering force by force, got the upper hand. Out rages were committed and led to very severe repressive legisla tion by the Government. In June 1886, the "Anarchist Bill," initiated in the House of Deputies, received imperial sanction. It was not revoked until 1891, after the sagacious leadership of Victor Adler (q.v.), at the Hainfeld party meeting (Dec. 1888) had reconciled the moderates and radicals among the workmen. Meanwhile similar movements abroad had helped to show wide circles in parliament and outside, that the lower middle classes, who were suffering under the increasing pressure of capitalism, needed assistance. Various measures were passed for the benefit of artisans, a reform of industrial conditions undertaken, insurance against sickness and accidents introduced. The Government con cluded the fresh compromise with Hungary (188 7) without difficulties or basic alterations. It met the wishes of industrial ists and peasants by raising tariffs. To improve the chaotic po sition of finances, new taxes were introduced, which were heavily felt by wide circles ; yet the state revenues increased so much that in 1889 and 1890 the budget estimates showed no deficit, although several private railways had been taken over by the State, others built, and large sums voted for expanding the military forces. Rise of the Young Czechs.—The successes of the Young Czech Party forced the Government to alter its attitude to national questions. In the elections to the diet of 1889 this party had almost annihilated the moderate Old Czech Party, and now com manded a majority in the Bohemian diet. The energetic oppo sition of the Germans to the extensive demands put forward by this party in the language question and that of Bohemian State rights induced Taaffe to attempt a compromise, which broke down, however, on the opposition of the Young Czechs. This failure induced Taaffe and the majority of the ministers to approach the German Liberals. Julian von Dunajewski, the finance minister, an enemy of the Germans, who thought the altered policy un necessary, was out-voted, and resigned (Jan. 1889). His suc cessor, Emil Steinbach, was an advocate of social reform, an enemy of the old Liberalism, and a Clerical sympathizer. The new elections to the House of Deputies did not bring the Govern ment the expected gains for the moderate parties. Taaffe at tempted, nevertheless, to unite them and form another government with their support. He failed, mainly owing to differences be tween the German Liberals and the Clericals, but relations be tween the three great parties, the United German Left, the Poles and the Hohenwart group, were tolerable, and Taaffe was able to remain in office. Fresh commercial treaties were now concluded with several states; certain tariffs were consequently reduced considerably. The financial situation improved. In 1892 the cur rency was regulated, the gold currency introduced, and a reform of direct taxation commenced.

Renewed attempts in 1891-93 to achieve a compromise in Bohemia again proved fruitless, neither party accepting the Gov ernment's proposals. When, in 1893, the Government attempted to delineate the judiciary districts in Bohemia on national lines, riots occurred, fostered by the Young Czechs; these provoked the Government to energetic measures, culminating in the procla mation of a state of siege in Prague and district (Sept. 1893). The Government believed that these and other disturbances could best be countered by wide extension of the franchise. For years past, franchise reform bills had occupied parliament's at tention, some of them advocating general, equal and direct fran chise. The growth of Social Democracy in Austria and the victor ies of the sister parties in Belgium and Germany helped to strengthen the movement in Austria towards enfranchising the workman. On Oct. 1o, 1893, a bill was introduced in the House of Deputies, drafted by Steinbach and approved by Taaffe, abolish ing the privileges of the electoral colleges of municipal and country districts, and granting the franchise to almost all men of 24 years. The party leaders had not been informed of this bill, which created great astonishment and still greater aversion among the overwhelming majority of deputies. The German Left, Poles and Conservatives, united against it. On Oct. 28, Parliament was adjourned; on the following day Taaffe tendered his resignation. On Nov. II, 1893, he left office.

The new ministry, under Prince Alfred Windischgratz, rested on the three great parties in the House of Deputies, Liberals, Poles and Clericals, led by Ernst von Plener, Apolinar von Jaworski and Count Karl Hohenwart respectively. Permanent co-operation between such dissimilar interests and personalities was improbable from the first. They at first united in defence of the privileged basis of parliament ; but dissension soon broke out between them, and even more between the three parties. Agree ment proved impossible, either in the question of electoral reform, which had to be reopened in deference to public opinion, or in the language question. The breach came on a question trivial in it self : the Government's proposal to establish an upper school with instruction in German and Slovene, in Cilli. The German Left seceded from the coalition, whereupon the ministry resigned ( June 1895) . A provisional ministry, consisting mainly of high officials, under the Governor of Lower Austria, Count Erich Kielmansegg, carried on. Two important acts, long debated and widely demanded, the new civil procedure and the new income tax law, were passed in this period.

Badeni's Ministry, 1895-1897.

In late Sept., 1895, the defini tive ministry was appointed under the ex-governor of Galicia, Count Casimir Badeni. Badeni attempted at first to please all parties. The state of siege, proclaimed in Prague in 1893, was re moved. In 1896 Badeni carried a franchise reform bill, which satis fied nearly all parties, except the advocates of general and equal franchise. All the old electoral categories were maintained, but a fifth curia was added, embracing almost anyone who had resided six months in one place and was not in domestic service; the mem bership of the House of Deputies was increased by 72. But the new elections (March 1897) strengthened the radical elements in all parties. The United German Left almost disappeared. The Germans fell into several mutually antagonistic groups; the ma jority put questions of nationality first, and had deserted the con stitutional standpoint. The Right, too, had split. The Social Demo crats secured 14 seats. Badeni was unable to secure a firm parlia mentary majority, but got a temporary majority by concessions to the Clericals and thus, although he had offered his resignation, con tinued in charge. Francis Joseph now confirmed Lueger's election as burgomaster of Vienna, which he had long refused to sanction. To attract the Czechs, Badeni issued new language legislation under which, inter alia, all offices in Bohemia and Moravia were obliged to reply to the public in the language in which they had been addressed. After a short grace, all officials must prove their knowledge of both languages current. These proposals' evoked violent opposition from the Germans, leading to uproar in parlia ment, obstruction and great public demonstrations. The attempt forcibly to break the Germans' parliamentary obstruction failed. When the movement reached a climax the emperor intervened and dismissed Badeni. A provisional ministry under Paul Freiherr von Gautsch (Nov. 28, 1897–March 1898) revoked Badeni's langu age laws and replaced them (March 1898) by others, dividing Bohemia into a Czech, a German and a mixed linguistic district. Neither Germans nor Bohemians were satisfied, and Gautsch re signed. Francis, Count Thun replaced him (March 1898). He attempted strong action, but was unsuccessful. The language con troversy continued; peasant unrest broke out in Galicia; new taxation, a consequence of the new provisional compromise with Hungary, increased the discontent. At last the Government put through the increase of indirect taxation and renewal of the cus toms and commercial agreement with Hungary by application of paragraph 14 of the Constitution of 1867. This paragraph pro vided that in case of urgent necessity, legislation for which the assent of the Reichsrat was required might, if the Reichsrat was not in session, be proclaimed by the Emperor. It must be signed by the whole Ministry, and if not submitted to the Reichsrat within four months of its meeting, or if failing to receive the ap proval of both houses, it ceased to be valid. The Germans con tended that the application of this clause to the Compromise was invalid, and demanded its repeal. Thun fell (Oct. 1899). Clary and Korber.—His successor, Manfred, Count Clary Aldringen, issued two language decrees for Bohemia and Moravia (Oct. 14, 1899), re-establishing the status quo ante of Badeni's bills pending completion of the projected legal settlement of the language question. The Germans consented; the Czechs, however, deeply indignant, began obstruction. Their attempt to carry the language struggle into the army offended the emperor, who was determined to allow no tampering with the unity of the language in the army. The Czechs, however, continued their attacks upon the Government, and prevented it from passing an excise bill, which was a necessary part of the Hungarian Compromise. Un willing to break his word towards Hungary, Clary resigned (Dec. 1899). After a short provisional ministry, Ernst von Korber be came minister-president (Jan. 1900) . His efforts to achieve a last ing compromise in the language question remained as fruitless as his predecessors'. The Czechs were bitterly hostile, the Poles and Italians discontented also. Nevertheless, Korber succeeded in his first years of office in abolishing obstruction and passing the votes on the budget, recruiting, and "other necessities of state" through parliament, by proposing large public works in which Czechs and Germans alike were interested, and passed the Compromise with Hungary (Jan. 1903) by the help of mutual concessions—a great success. Nevertheless, opposition increased in the Austrian parlia ment, and Korber, failing to induce parliament to vote the budgets for 1903, 1904 and 1905, was driven, like his predecessors, to apply "paragraph 14." Thus discontent grew and grew. The old opponents were reinforced by new; the Clericals, frightened by the progress of the Los von Rom movement against which Korber refused to take strong action, joined the opposition. In Dec. 1904 Korber resigned.

Struggle with Hungary.

Under Korber falls the struggle of the Hungarian party of independence (see HUNGARY) against the throne, manifested chiefly in the demand for the Magyar word of command in the Hungarian regiments (a preliminary to their complete Magyarization). The emperor, ordinarily very pliant to the Magyars' wishes, refused to yield an inch here, and declared (army order of Chlopy, Sept. 1903) his intention of maintaining the single language in the army. Stephen Tisza (q.v.) the Hungarian minister-president, proved unable to control the growing violence of the opposition. The Party of Independ ence was victorious in the new elections (early 1904). Tisza fell. Under his successor, Fejervari (June 1905), the parliamentary struggle in Hungary reached a climax. The Hungarian minister of the interior, Kristoffy, considered a plan of replacing the ex isting narrow franchise by universal franchise. The discussion of this question had some influence on the corresponding move ment in Austria.

Suffrage Reform.

Gautsch, who had succeeded Korber on Jan. I, 1905, certainly had no intention, at first, of a violent alter ation in the constitution. His ambition was to reconcile the Ger man-Czech differences, or at least to achieve a temporary com promise. In the former ambition he was successful in Moravia (autumn, 1905), in the latter in Bohemia. Meanwhile franchise re form was debated within and without the Reichsrat. Gautsch, who had originally declared that the introduction of general franchise in Austria must be preceded by a settlement of the national prob lem, gradually changed his attitude under the influence of public opinion, and particularly of the emperor's espousal of electoral reform, and on Feb. 23, 1906, laid sundry bills before the House of Deputies, aiming at the introduction of general, equal and direct voting. The details of these bills, however, were not un reservedly supported by any party. The opponents of general suffrage objected on principle, and the partition of mandates among the different nations caused insurmountable difficulties among the other deputies. Gautsch therefore resigned. His successor, Prince Conrad von Hohenlohe (March 1906), was equally unsuccessful in uniting the parliamentary parties by a new proposed com promise in the mandate question, and resigned in June.

His successor, Freiherr Max Vladimir Beck, managed by skil ful tactics to secure an agreement regarding electoral reform (Oct. 1906). In early December the House of Deputies passed the bill. Fresh opposition was encountered in the upper house, but, before the end of 1906, the government's concession of the numerics clausus bought the passage of the bill for the general, equal and direct suffrage for parliamentary elections. It was sanc tioned on Jan. 26, 1907, by Francis Joseph who hoped, by these concessions to modernity, to strengthen the dynasty, and to pre serve the unity of his dominions, as expressed in the unified con trol of the common army and of foreign policy against the separatist ambitions of the Hungarian " '48" party. This seemed to him and his ministers the more urgent in that relations between the monarchy and foreign powers had become so threatening that an appeal to arms seemed not impossible.

Foreign Policy.

Austria-Hungary had held to the German alliance of Oct. 7, 1879, and renewed the Triple Alliance of 1882, in 1891 and for six and twelve years respectively, although confidence in Italy's sincerity grew ever less, and the irredentist movement in the Italian districts of Austria received both sym pathy and active support in Italy itself. Relations with Russia had improved during the '9os of ter the critical period in the late '8os, although the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance (1891, Mil itary Convention 1892, definite formulation 1893-94) directed largely against Germany and her allies, boded future danger. Count Agenor Goluchowski, who succeeded Kalnoky in May reached an understanding with Russia in 1897 on Balkan questions which, although not definitely reconciling to the divergent inter ests of the two Powers in the Balkans, yet enabled temporary co operation on the basis of preservation of the status quo, and, in the event of unavoidable territorial changes, the understanding that these should go to enlarge the Christian Balkan states, while main taining the balance of power. This compromise was the more wel come to Austria-Hungary as the treaty concluded with Serbia (1881) and renewed in 1889 was not renewed on expiration in 1895, neither was the agreement of 1887 with England and Italy (see above). Russia's increasing interest since the middle '9os in the Far East as a possible maritime outlet, enabled Austria to co operate with her in the Balkan unrest in Macedonia and elsewhere. The Miirzsteg programme (Oct. 1903), aimed at restoring order in Macedonia under Russian and Austrian supervision, on the lines of previous understandings. Permanent success was, indeed, imprac ticable, but the wish to maintain the best relations possible with Russia determined Austria-Hungary's benevolent attitude during the Russo-Japanese war. The secret treaty of 1883 with the king of Rumania was renewed (1892 and 1902) and, despite many dif ferences, arising mainly over the oppression of the Rumanians in Transylvania, relations with Rumania remained good, largely thanks to her jealousy of Bulgaria and of the ambitious Prince of Bulgaria, Ferdinand of Coburg. In the conflicts which arose out of the Cretan rising (1896) and led to the Turco-Greek War, Go luchowski held aloof, swayed principally by the wish to preserve peace. Similarly he aimed at amicable settlement of the differences between Austria-Hungary and Italy in Albania, and achieved it by the agreements of 1897 and 1901. For the same reason he did not hesitate to recognize Peter Karageorgevic, who ascended the Serbian throne after the murder of the last Obrenovic (1903). He could not, however, prevent economic differences, due chiefly to Hungary's objections to the importation of Serbian live-stock, from occasioning repeated conflicts which resulted in a tariff war between the two States.

The Annexation of Bosnia and the Hercegovina.—Aus tria-Hungary's foreign policy changed when Baron, later Count, Alois Lexa Aehrenthal (q.v.) succeeded Goluchowski (Oct. 1906). As ambassador in Petersburg, Aehrenthal had believed it possible to establish permanently good relations with Russia, especially when her attention was concentrated on the Far East. When, how ever, Russia, defeated by Japan, returned to her earlier policy, planned to reach the coveted outlet in Europe by seizing the Dar danelles, and to this purpose endeavoured to extend her influence in the Balkans, Aehrenthal saw the danger threatening Austria Hungary. This danger became ever greater as the internal affairs of the Turkish empire became more critical. Aehrenthal wished to preserve this empire, but in the event of its final liquidation, he was firmly determined to safeguard Austria-Hungary's interests. It was necessary, above all, to secure permanent possession of Bos nia and Hercegovina. The Young Turks' revolution of July 1908, offered an immediate occasion to annex these territories. Without consulting the co-signatories of the Treaty of Berlin, Francis Joseph proclaimed the annexation (Oct. 6, 1908), at the same time announcing the withdrawal of the Austro-Hungarian troops from the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Aehrenthal thought this move possible as he had previously made arrangements with the Russian foreign minister, Isvolski, whereby Isvolski had promised his consent to the annexation in return for a promise of a free hand for Russia in the Dardanelles question. Aehrenthal's action evoked violent and widespread objection, and led to ominous complications, espe cially as Isvolski, whose Dardanelles plan had found no favour in France and England, now declared he had been deceived by Aeh renthal and never consented to the annexation. Encouraged by the attitude of certain Great Powers, Serbia protested against the annexation, demanded autonomy for the territories under the guarantee of the Great Powers, and a port on the Adriatic with a strip of territory to connect it with Serbia. As Aehrenthal did not consent, Serbia armed. Turkey, too, assumed a threatening atti tude, and in Bulgaria the inclination to join Austria-Hungary's en emies grew. Aehrenthal, however, remained firm and reached his end, principally through Germany's intervention in Austria's fa vour. The differences with Turkey were composed (Feb. 1909), the signatories of Berlin recognized the annexation and Serbia had to submit and promise to further no more machinations against Austria-Hungary. It was a victory for Aehrenthal, but a Pyrrhic one, since it intensified the cleavage of Europe into two hostile camps, the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente (see EUROPE).

One party in Austria, led by the chief of the general staff, Franz Conrad (later Count) Hotzendorf, even at this time fav oured a decision by arms. After a violent conflict, however, Aeh renthal, supported by the emperor, who also advocated the main tenance of peace, carried his point. Aehrenthal attempted accord ingly to improve relations with Russia and to settle amicably the fresh differences with Italy regarding Albania. In every way Aehrenthal worked for peace in 191 o and 1911. He attempted to reconcile the ever-recurrent differences between England and Ger many. In the Moroccan question, indeed, he supported his ally, but carefully abstained from irritating the other side. He also prevented Austria-Hungary from intervening actively in the Ital ian-Turkish war of 1911, although the war party in Vienna wished to settle with the unreliable ally, Italy, as it had with Serbia in The Balkan Question.—The Italian-Turkish War was fol lowed by the Balkan War . (Oct. 1912), in which the allied armies of Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece proved victorious. Count Leopold Berchtold, who succeeded Aehrenthal on his death (Feb. 1912) , recognized the danger if the Balkan states, especially Serbia and Montenegro, were strengthened, but failed to prevent it. A strong party, again led by Conrad, once more urged armed intervention against the enemy in the Balkans, but again the peace party carried the day, especially as Austria's allies, Germany as well as Italy, were opposed to the war (1913). So Austria-Hungary had to watch the Balkan powers renew the war with Turkey and, despite un expectedly stubborn resistance, again prove victorious. The out come of the Second Balkan War (1913) brought another loss of prestige for Austria-Hungary. Serbia and Montenegro, especially the former, had extended their frontiers considerably, and hence forth, being no longer separated by the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, were in a position to join forces against the Habsburg monarchy when the time came. Bulgaria was discontented with Austria's atti tude, having expected active support in her war against the other Balkan states, while Rumania resented Berchtold's attempts to revise the Treaty of Bucharest in Bulgaria's favour. Anti-Austrian feeling made rapid headway every month. The agitation in Bucha rest in favour of the Hungarian Rumanians became ever more active. Rumania drew closer to the Entente Powers, and although King Carol renewed the secret treaty with the Triple Alliance (Feb. 1913) and could not be persuaded definitely to break with the Central Powers, yet the pro-Entente party in the Rumanian government won the upper hand. So the danger increased that a new Balkan alliance under the aegis of Russia and France might be formed against Austria-Hungary.

To hinder this encirclement became the principal endeavour of Viennese statesmen, who worked untiringly to compose Bulgaria's outstanding differences with Turkey and Rumania and, if possible, to win Greece to a closer adhesion to the Central Powers. All their efforts, however, were frustrated by the divergent interests and mutual distrust of the Balkan States, which were revealed during the negotiations conducted under the mediation of the Central Powers in the winter of 1913-14.

These failures were the more disappointing as the general situa tion during 1912-13 had become ever less favourable to the Cen tral Powers. Relations with Italy were increasingly strained, al though the Italian foreign minister, San Giuliano, maintained a correct attitude towards the Viennese Government, and although the Triple Alliance was renewed (for the last time) in Dec. 1912. But the attitude of the press and deputies with nationalist sympathies showed that influential circles were endeavouring to lead Italy into the Entente camp. Relations between England, France and Russia were also visibly growing ever closer, and all three powers were taking steps to increase their own military strength ; while Germany and Austria-Hungary did likewise.

Internal Conditions 1907-14.

An early outbreak of a world war was not, however, expected in either capital, as relations be tween Germany and England began to improve, and a settlement of many outstanding points seemed promised. The Viennese statesmen, therefore, thought they might turn their attention to the Balkans, where conditions grew daily more intolerable, and seriously threatened the existence of the Danube monarchy, as the Irredentist movement among the Slav inhabitants of the Mon archy had grown steadily, and was warmly encouraged by their co-nationals abroad. The Government was powerless. Despite the electoral reform, parliament was as disinclined as ever to allow proper government or a permanent settlement between the na tionalities. The successive ministries between 1907 and 1914 were not parliamentary and did not express the majority of the house. Their successive programmes thus always aimed at an objective, non-party application of the law and equal rights for all nationali ties; but in order to gain a majority for necessary bills, they were obliged to negotiate with the parties, make them concessions, and take representatives of the different nations into their ministries. Their hopes thus to achieve a permanent national reconciliation proved unfounded. Centrifugal tendencies grew ever stronger. Fresh conflicts broke out between the Czechs and Germans in the Bohemian diet and in the House of Deputies, each in turn resort ing to obstruction. Under Beck the Germans made work hopeless in the Bohemian diet, after riots had occurred in Prague and Laibach. The Czech ministers thereupon left the cabinet, and Beck, deserted by Germans and Czechs, resigned (Nov. 1908). His successor, Baron, later Count, Richard Bienerth, tried taking a representative of each of the three great parties, Germans, Czechs and Poles, as "provincial ministers." In vain. The Germans op posed any alteration in the Language Law of Bohemia unfavour able to themselves and resorted to obstruction when the ministry opened negotiations with the Czechs. At the same time discon tent grew increasingly apparent among the Yugoslays and Italians, while the Germans quarrelled among themselves. As the Christian Socialists, the chief support of the Government, lost heavily in the 1911 elections, Bienerth resigned (June 1911) . His successor, Gautsch, was faced with the same difficulties. He failed to satisfy the extensive demands of the Czechs, but, by negotiating with them, aroused the suspicions of the Germans. He was succeeded (Nov. 191 1) by Carl, Count Stiirgkh, who pursued the same policy with similar ill-success. In March, 1914, he adjourned thus the people were unrepresented when the War broke out in consequence of the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand (q.v.) (June 28, 1914)• Southern Slav Agitation.—Following the example of the Magyars, Ruthenes, Czechs and Italians, who had urged their na tional claims with waxing energy, and endeavoured with increas ing zeal, though with varying success, to loosen the bond which held them together, the Yugoslays also had put forward their national demands, against the Germans and Magyars. Finding in sufficient response from the central Government, especially against the increasing aggressiveness of the Magyars, they looked ever more towards their brothers in Serbia, and listened to the propa gandists of the greater-Serbia idea. The danger increased when the Russophil Karageorgevic dynasty succeeded the Obrenovic in Serbia. Henceforth Belgrade became the centre of pan-Serb agitation against the Danubian monarchy, whose commanding position in the Balkans was described as the only obstacle to the realization of the national desires of all southern Slays. The Gov ernments of Vienna and Budapest saw that this danger must be met, but still hesitated whether to use force or conciliation towards the southern Slays. Time passed, and nothing was done. The southern Slav sore was allowed to fester on the body of the em pire, and spread over it until it brought about its death.

Outbreak of the World War.

The murderers of Francis Ferdinand were citizens of the Habsburg monarchy, of Serbian nationality. Their act gave the supremacy in Vienna to the party under Conrad which had long advocated a bloody reckoning with the Serbs. Gradually they convinced the emperor and the advo cates of a diplomatic settlement (who included Stephen Tisza, the Hungarian premier) that only force could effect a permanently satisfactory solution of the Serbian question. Accordingly, the Austro-Hungarian Government put forward demands in its ulti matum to Serbia (July 23, 1914) which it did not expect to see accepted. Although Serbia's answer was most conciliatory, the Vienna Government rejected it as insufficient. War was declared on July 28, after the efforts of the Great Powers, including Ger many, to negotiate a settlement had failed. Equally fruitless re mained the further attempts by these Powers to localize the war. The World War (q.v.) broke out.

At the outset of the war Austria-Hungary and Germany were joined by Turkey, and in Sept. 1915, after long hesitation, by Bulgaria. The Central Powers' efforts to gain further allies were fruitless; their two peace-time allies, indeed, Italy and Rumania, joined the increasing number of their enemies, the former in April 1915 (Treaty of London, April 26; declaration of war on Austria-Hungary, May 23, 1915) , the latter on Aug. 27, 1916. In vain had the two Foreign Ministers, Berchtold (up to Jan. 1915 ) and Count Stephen Burian (Jan. 1915 to Dec. 1916) attempted by ever more extensive concessions to prevent Italy from entering the enemy's camp. Their two-year long negotiations with Rumania were equally unsuccessful, chiefly owing to the refusal of the Hungarians, led by Tisza, to consent to the cession of Hungarian territory demanded by Rumania. The struggle against the increas ing superiority of the enemy was carried on with varying success throughout the world. Austro-Hungarian troops were engaged chiefly against Russia and Italy. An Italian offensive was repelled of ter heavy fighting (1915) but attempts to win a decisive victory over Italy failed, although initial successes were often gained. Lasting success against the superior forces of the Russians was achieved only when the German army joined the Austro-Hun garian and Rumania's rapid defeat was chiefly its work.

In judging the achievements of the Austro-Hungarian army, the increasing unwillingness of many troops, especially the Czechs, to fight for interests directly opposed to their own, must not be overlooked. Further, there was the increasing shortage of food stuffs in the monarchy, especially in the towns of Austria proper, and the enlistment of the youngest and oldest categories into the army brought into it subversive elements which corrupted the morale of the war-weary soldiers. Under these circumstances the party which advocated peace, even at the price of sacrifice, grew. Francis Joseph had never been disinclined for peace, but had in sisted that it must be made in concert with his allies, especially Germany, and without serious territorial losses to himself. All efforts to reach a result on this basis broke down, however, on the irreconcilability of the peace conditions of the Central Powers with the demands of their enemies. The difficulty of these nego tiations was increased by the discord between the allied Govern ments. Berlin wished Vienna to meet Italy's claims for Austrian territory generously, while Vienna wished Berlin to make con cessions to France in Alsace-Lorraine. There was the further complication of the Polish question, after Congress Poland had been conquered, and Warsaw occupied by the Central Powers (Aug. 1916) . None of the various proposals made by one or other of the Central Powers was fully accepted by both parties. Definite settlement was, therefore, postponed, but a proclamation issued to the Poles (Nov. 1916), in the vain hope of securing their active assistance in the war, promised the restoration of independent Poland as a hereditary constitutional monarchy.

Shortly before this, conversations had taken place between Aus tria and Germany, at Burian's suggestion, with the purpose of presenting the concrete peace conditions of the four allies to their enemies. No agreement had, however, been reached when Francis Joseph died on Nov. 21, 1916, after a reign of nearly 68 years. His successor, his grand-nephew Charles (q.v.), took over a peril ous heritage. The military and economic resources of the mon archy were beginning to fail. The blockade, the loss of supplies from Hungary and Galicia, and the diminution of home produc tion consequent on shortage of human and animal labour made the food situation in Austria desperate, especially in the towns; the country districts shut themselves off, held up supplies and put up prices, in defiance of the law. Anti-dynastic feeling was spread ing, especially in the non-German and non-Magyar territories. The young emperor's programme was to combat this feeling, to renew the splendour of the dynasty, to give his peoples the longed for peace and to reconcile their mutual differences. The first step, he thought, was to end the war. The negotiations with Germany were pursued energetically ; on Dec. 12, 1916, the peace offer of the Quadruple Alliance was made public. It was ill received by their enemies, who, in their answer, made claims which were brusquely rejected, especially by Germany, and led to the decision to continue the war by the employment of extreme measures, the most important and most promising of which was indicated to be unlimited submarine warfare.

Neither Count Ottakar Czernin, who had succeeded Burian (Dec. 1916), nor Charles shared the hope of the German states men, but they submitted to their allies' urgency. As, however, the submarine warfare failed to achieve the expected success, and the land warfare brought no decisive victory, while, by the revolu tion, the United States took the place of Russia against the Central Powers, Charles and Czernin were increasingly anxious for peace. All efforts to achieve it failed, however, although Charles, under the influence of his wife and her brother Sixtus of Parma, had taken steps in the spring of 1917 which, when revealed in 1918, evoked much indignation in Germany and forced Charles to make agreements with William II. which, if realized, would have made Austria-Hungary practically a vassal state of Germany. The Sixtus negotiations broke down on Italy's insistence on the claims admitted by her allies in the Treaty of London, which Charles refused to grant. Further negotiations in 1917 (Revertera-Armand and Mensdorff-Smutz) brought no result, as Czernin refused the offer of a separate peace.

The World War: Second Phase.

Successes in the East, lead ing to the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk with Russia (March 3, 1918), and the preliminary Peace of Buftea (March 6) with Rumania, though gratifying, did not blind the Government to the critical situation. They knew that the difficulties of filling up the depleted ranks, raising arms and ammunition, and provisioning troops and population, would increase monthly. Wholly convincing reports came in of the increasing war-weariness of the troops and the ever more openly expressed anti-dynastic sentiments of the non-Ger man and non-Magyar nationalities. Even in Francis Joseph's lifetime the convocation of parliament, muzzled since 1914, had been considered, but Stiirgkh objected, fearing an ever stronger manifestation of national differences. Stiirgkh's murder (Oct. 1916) was a demonstration against the absolutist regime. Yet his successor, Korber, also ruled without parliament. His efforts to curb centrifugal tendencies by concessions to the nationalities, while preserving the interests of the Germans of Austria, failed, and Charles dropped him the more willingly (Dec. 1916) as he disagreed with Korber over the conduct of the war, the Hun garian Compromise and the question of taking the oath to the constitution. Korber's successor, Count Richard Clam-Martinitz, after overcoming many difficulties, convoked the Reichsrat (May 1917). The Southern Slays and Czechs immediately issued decla rations incompatible with the unity of the empire, while the Ger mans resolutely opposed any reorganization of the monarchy on federative lines. Clam-Martinitz thereupon resigned (June 1917), but his successor, Ernst von Seidler, failed to accomplish the desired reconciliation of the nationalities, despite the emperor's action in amnestying the Slav leaders (Kramar and others) con demned in 1915, and promising huge social reforms and a reorgani zation of Austria on national lines. Seidler accordingly resigned (July 22, 1918).

His successor, Max Freiherr Hussarek, made fresh attempts to settle the internal differences, while preserving the unity of Austria, through granting extensive autonomy to the nationalities; but the military situation now made the idea of preserving the Habsburg monarchy, though in changed form, quite hopeless.

Czernin's efforts to secure peace on the basis of Wilson's Four teen Points (q.v.) failed, as the Allies laid down conditions in acceptable to Germany, who now hoped for victory. All attempts of the Viennese Government, which had become ever more de pendent on Berlin, or rather, on the military party predominant in Germany, especially since the revelation of Charles's separate negotiations with the western Powers, broke down on this resist ance. Only when Germany's anticipated victory in the West did not materialize, the Allies advanced and Ludendorff, the leader of the military party, declared that the military spirit of the enemy could not be broken by arms (Aug. 1918), did Burian, who had replaced Czernin in April, find no opposition on principle in Ger many ; differences of method still remained, which induced Burian to disregard Germany's opposition and ask all belligerents to attend a peace conference. The only result of his efforts was to redouble the enemies' vigour. The recognition (Aug. 1918) by the Entente of the Czechs, who had formed legions and rendered the Entente great services, especially in the East, as a belligerent and allied Power, was momentous to the fate of Austria-Hungary. All Slays of the monarchy now began to see that the break-up of Austria would give them more than its continued existence. They, therefore, now based their calculation on a break-up. The Aus trian Social Democrats had adapted their programme in their party conference, and that party in Hungary which demanded complete independence with democratic reforms and immediate peace grew very strong.

Break-up of the Habsburg Monarchy.

On Sept. i5 the Bul garian line broke; on Sept. 29 Bulgaria concluded an armistice, leaving Hungary exposed; Hungary demanded the recall of her own troops to defend their home. The Viennese ministers were powerless before the centrifugal demands of the Slays and the in sistence of the Magyars on Hungarian integrity. They determined to make important concessions to the Slays. On Oct. 1 they an nounced that they recognized the rights of the nationalities to free self-determination, adopted the standpoint of national autonomy, championed Polish independence and announced the union of all the Southern Slays of Austria by constitutional means. This step, however, contented no nationality. The Poles proclaimed their independence in Warsaw on Oct.7, the Ruthenians summoned their National Council for Oct. 19, and the Czech Government was formed in Paris on Oct. 14.

As a last attempt, the emperor issued a manifesto (Oct. 16) proclaiming that Austria should be transformed, in accordance with the will of her peoples, into a federal state, in which every race would be free to establish its own form of body politic on the territory occupied by it. For Hungary, the manifesto laid stress on the integrity of the Hungarian kingdom. But even this last attempt to preserve the monarchy, although with diminished territory and as a loose aggregation of separate territorial groups under the Habsburg-Lorraine dynasty, failed. In the course of the following weeks autonomous governments were formed in Prague, Laibach, Sarajevo, Trieste, Cracow and Lemberg. On Oct. 27 Heinrich Lammasch took over the government in Austria with the task of liquidating the central administration. Count Julius Andrassy, who had followed Burian as foreign minister (Oct. 24), recognized Wilson's claims regarding the rights of the nationalities, especially the Czechs, Slovaks and Yugoslays. He immediately opened negotiations for a separate peace, but these were as fruit less as the rest. On October 3o a national Hungarian government was formed in Budapest. As the troops, the Germans excepted, were leaving the front to return home, the Austro-Hungarian supreme command was forced to beg the Italians, who now ad vanced victoriously, for an armistice, which was granted on Nov. 3 under the severest conditions.

The process of dissolution ran its course in the old monarchy. On Nov. II the emperor renounced all share in the business of government in Austria, not, however, renouncing his crown, and the Lammasch government resigned. On the following day the Austrian National Assembly proclaimed a republic, which was at first intended to form a component part of the new German re public. On Nov. 16 the republican form was introduced in Hun gary. The ancient Austro-Hungarian monarchy thereupon ceased to exist. See AUSTRIA; HUNGARY.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

For the whole period: Bibliography, R. Charmatz Bibliography.—For the whole period: Bibliography, R. Charmatz Wegweiser durch die Literatur der Oest. Geschichte, etc. (1912) (chief works indicated) ; Dahlmann-Waitz, Quellenkunde zur deutschen Geschichte, 12th ed. (1912) (Austria included) ; F. v. Krones, Grund riss der Oest. Geschichte mit besonderer Riicksicht auf Quellen and Literaturkunde (1882) ; excellent bibliography in relevant chapters of the Cambridge Modern History. Accounts: There is no adequate history in English ; the best account in German is, A. Huber, Ge schichte Oesterreichs (Gotha, , 5 vols. to 1648; continued by O. Redlich, vol. 6 to 170o; F. v. Krones, Handbuch der Oest. Ge schichte (1876-79), 5 vols. (a useful handbook) ; F. M. Mayer, Geschichte Oest. mit besonderer Rucksicht auf das Kulturleben (5th ed.) useful for beginners; Meynert's and Mailath's works are out of date. Development of the State; the best work is Luschin v. Eben greuth, Oest. Reichsgeschichte, 2 vols. (1895-96) and Grundriss der Oest. Reichsgeschichte (1899) ; also A. Bachman, Lehrbuch der Oest. Reichsgeschichte (1895-96) ; A. Huber, Oest. Reichsgeschichte, 2nd ed. issued by A. Dopsch (19o1) ; E. Werunsky, Oest. Reichs- and Rechts geschichte (1897 sqq.) .

Period 1526-1740, F. B. v. Bucholtz,

Geschichte der Regierung Ferd. I., 8 vols., (1831-38) old, many documents; W. Bauer, Die An f tinge Ferd. I. (1907) , A. Gindely, Rudolf 11. and seine Zeit (1600-12), 2 vols. (1868) ; L. v. Ranke, Geschichte Wallensteins (classic work) ; H. Hallwich, Wallensteins Ende (1879). H. v. Srbik, Wallensteins Ende (1920) ; A. F. Pribram, Franz Paul v. Lisola and die Politik seiner Zeit, and Oesterreich and Branden burg, 1685-1700, 2 vols. (1883-88) ; A. Wolf, Furst Wenzel Lobkowitz (1869) ; A. v. Arneth, Prinz Eugen, 3 vols. (1861) ; H. v. Sybel, Prinz Eugen (1861) ; Die Feldziige des Prinzen Eugen, 20 vols. (1876-92) ; A. Galdeke, Die Politik Oest. in der spanischen Erbfolgefrage, 2 vols. (1877) ; G. Turba, Geschichte des Thronfolgerechtes in den hapsbur gischen Ldndern bis zur Pragmatischen Sanktion Kaiser Karl VI. (1903) ; H. T. Biedermann, Geschichte der Oest. Gesamtstaatsidee (up to 1740) (1867-89) ; H. v. Srbik, Der Staatliche Exporthandel Oest. von Leopold I. bis Maria Theresia (19o7) .

For the period 1740-1848. A. v. Arneth,

Geschichte Maria Theresias, Jo vols. (1863-79) partly out of date, and Briefwechsel Maria Theresias mit Josef, 3 vols. (1867-68) mit ihren Kindern (4 vols. 1881) , Josef II. and Katharina v. Russland (1869) ; E. Guglia, Maria Theresia, 2 vols. (1917) (good, clear account) ; H. Kretschmayr, Maria Theresia (1925) ; J. F. Bright, Maria Theresa (1897), and Joseph II. (1897) Kuntzel, Kaunitz (1925) ; A. Springer, Geschichte Oest. seit dens Wiener Frieden, 1809-49, 2 vols. (1863-65) (old, but still valuable) . R. Char matz, Geschichte der auswdrtigen Politik Oest. vol. i. to 5848 (1912) ; v. Bibl., Der Zerfall Oesterreichs, vol. i. (1922 ) ; H. v. Srbik, Metternich, 2 vols. (1925-26) (chief work for period 1815-48) ; E. v. Wertheimer, Geschichte Oesterreichs and Ungarns im ersten Jahrzehnte des I9ten Jahrhunderts (1884-9o) 2 vols.; A. Fournier, Gentz and Cobenzl, 1801-05 (188o) ; E. Guglia, Friedrich von Gentz (1900) ; A. Beer, Die orientalische Politik Oest. seit 1774 (1883), Die Finanzen Oest. im Ipten Jahrhundert (1877), and Die Oest. Handelspolitik in I9ten Jahrhundert (1891) ; also A. Wolf, Geschichtliche Bilder aus Oester reich, 2 vols. (1878-80) ; K. Hock, Der Oest. Staatsrath (1879) ; J. Beidtel, Geist der Oest. Staatsverwaltung, 1740-1848 (1896-97), 2 vols.; Karl Griinberg, Die Bauernbefreiung ... in Bohmen, Mdhren and Schlesien, 2 vols. (1897) ; K. Pribram, Geschichte der Oest. Gewerbepolitik 1740-1860, vol. i. only appeared, to 1796 (19o7)• Period 1848-1915. Josef Redlich, Das Oest. Staats and Reichsprob lem, 2 vols. covering 1848-78 (192o-26) ; R. Charmatz, Oest. Innere Geschichte von 1848-1907, 2 vols. (1908-09) , and Geschichte der auswiirtigen Politik Oesterreichs von 1848-1907; L. Eisenmann, Le Compromis Austro-Hongrois de 1867 (1904) ; A. Fournier, Wie wir zu Bosnien kamen (1909) ; Th. Sosnovsky, Die Politik im Habsburger reiche, 2 vols. (1912) and Die Balkanpolitik Oesterreiches seit i866, 2 vols. ; W. Rogge, Oesterreich von Vilagos and Oesterreich seit der Katastrophe Hohenwart-Beust (1878-79) ; E. Wertheimer, Graf Julius Andrdssy, 3 vols. (1910-13) ; B. Molden, Graf Aehrenthal (1912) ; A. F. Pribram, Austrian Foreign Policy, 1908-18 (1923) , Die politischen Geheimvertrage Oesterreich-Ungarns 1879-1914 (1919) . Eng. trans. by A. Coolidge, 2 vols, (1920) ; Die grosse Politik der europaischen Kahinette 1871-1914 (1921 sqq.) ; M. Schwarte, Der Grosse Krieg (Vol. vi. Oesterreich) ; Diplomatische Aktenstiicke (Red books) betreffend die Balkanereignisse, Aug. 1912 to Nov. 1913 (1917) ; betre fiend Italien, bis Mai 1915 (1916) , betreffend Rumdnien, Juli 1914—Aug. 1916; R. Goos, Das Wiener Kabinet and die Entstehung des Weltkrieges (1919) ; Conrad v. Hotzendorf, Aus meiner Dienstzeit, 5 vols. (1922 sqq.) ; A. Cramon, Unser oesterreich-ungarische Bundes genosse im Weltkriege (1920) ; O. Czernin, Ina Weltkriege (1919) ; St.

Burian,

Drei Jahre aus der Zeit meiner Amtsfuhrung im Kriege (1923) Engl. trans. 1925 ; J. Andrassy, Diplomatie and Weltkrieg (192o) ; Auffenberg-Komarov, Aus Oesterreichs Hdhe and Niedergang (1921) ; Musulin, Das Haus am Ballplatz (1923) ; R. Fester, Die Politik Kaiser Karls, etc. (1925) ; K. I. Nowak, Der Weg zur Katastrophe (1919) ; Der Stiirz der Mittelmiichte (1921) ; Chaos (1925) ; F. Kleinwachter, Der Untergang der Oesterreich-u garischen Monarchie 1g19 (192o) ; C. A. Macartney, The Social Revolution in Austria (1926) ; O. Bauer, Die Oest. Revolution (1923 Eng. trans. 1925) ; J. Redlich, Oest. Regierung and Verwaltung im Weltkriege (1925) (Eng. trans. 1928), S. Briigel, Geschichte der Oest. Sozial-democratie, 5 vols.; B. Auerbach, L'Autriche et la Hongrie pendant la guerre (1925) ; R. Springer (Karl Renner) Grundlagen and Entwicklungsziele der Oest. ung. Monarchie (1906) , and Der Kam p f der Oest. Nationen um den Staat (1902) , new ed. 1918; O. Bauer, Die Nationalithtenfrage and die Sozialdemo kratie (1907) ; R. W. Seton-Watson, The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy 1911, and Sarajevo (1926) ; H. Wickham Steed, The Habsburg Monarchy (2nd ed. 1914).

(A. F. P.)

austria, government, hungary, german and francis