In her long struggle with Russell and Palmerston she was main taining the rights of the cabinet as well as the prerogatives of the Crown, and her efforts were crowned with the success they deserved.
But the Prussia now in the ascendant was not the Prussia to which Albert had given his blessing. Bismarck was in power, and for Victoria he was henceforth and always a "terrible man." The war of i866, when the Prussian armies engaged and defeated in six weeks the forces of Austria and all the German States, was a bitter grief to the queen, who had near relations fighting on both sides. Her personal offer of mediation before the con flict had been rudely brushed aside. In 187o the clever camou flage of Bismarck's diplomacy and an almost instinctive distrust of the French made her once more a whole-hearted partisan of Prussia. But when the victory of Prussia had been assured the queen exerted herself to save Paris from bombardment, and Bismarck himself furnished evidence of her success, when he complained that "the petticoat sentimentality" with which Vic toria had infected the Prussian royal family hampered the designs of the Prussian army. Victoria looked forward to the day when her son-in-law would succeed to the Prussian throne, dismiss Bismarck, and direct the new German empire into liberal and humane courses. But it was not to be. Bismarck's emperor lived to be 91 ; the crown prince reigned but ioo days (in i888) ; and William II. accepted all that was worst, while rejecting most of what was wisest, in the policy of Bismarck. Only once, in 1888, did Victoria engage in direct encounter with "the terrible man." Her grand-daughter, a daughter of the German crown prince, was engaged to Prince Alexander of Battenburg (Prince of Bul garia) and Bismarck was determined to prevent the match. Bis marck claimed a personal interview with Victoria, and the mar riage had to be abandoned.
result was the famous Second Reform Bill of 1867, so skilfully piloted through the House of Commons by Disraeli. It is prob able, no doubt, that the Conservative Government would in any case have pursued a similar policy, for the same ministers had done so, unsuccessfully, in 1858. None the less the queen's action is one of many examples that could be adduced to show that she was not, in domestic affairs, a supporter of a policy of standing still. On certain domestic questions, such as Housing, she was well in advance of most of the politicians of her day, and posterity will endorse her remark that the clearance of slums was more worthy of attention than a great many of the subjects with which 19th century parliaments occupied their time.
Victoria's attitude towards Ireland was much the same as that of a great many of her English subjects. She had little under standing of or sympathy with Irish grievances, and the demand for Home Rule, now beginning to be vocal in the House of Commons, she regarded as sheer disloyalty. It had been suggested that she should establish a "Balmoral" in Ireland, but the idea was repugnant to her. The Irish climate was "unhealthy," and being a bad sailor she detested the crossing. Perhaps the prince of Wales might establish a residence there? No; he would only be able to reside there very occasionally, and the upkeep of the house would not be worth its expense. On the other hand the queen was always intensely appreciative of the bravery of her Irish regiments, and their gallantry in South Africa led her to make, in 190o, a three weeks' visit to Dublin which was one of the last public actions of her life.