BORNEO (see also BORNEO, STATE OF NORTH), a great island of the Malay Archipelago between 7° N. and 4° 2o' S., 1o8° 53' and 119 ° 2 2' E. ; 83om. long N.E. to S.W., 600m. max. breadth; area (calculations of Topographical Bureau, Batavia, 1894), square miles. Meyer, who is generally accurate, gives area 289,860 square miles. It is roughly five times as large as England and Wales. Politically Borneo is divided into four portions: (I) State of North Borneo (q.v.) under the Chartered British North Borneo Company; (2) Brunei (q.v.), a Malayan sultanate under British protection with a British Resident; (3) Sarawak (q.v.), the large territory ruled by Rajah Brooke, and with its foreign relations under British protection; and (4) Dutch Borneo, by far the largest and most valuable portion.
Coasts.—Resting on a submarine plateau of no great depth, the coasts of Borneo are for the most part rimmed round by low alluvial lands, of a marshy, sandy, and sometimes swampy char acter. In places the sands are fringed by long lines of Casuarina trees ; in others, and more especially in the neighbourhood of some of the river mouths, there are deep banks of black mud covered with mangroves and Nipa palms ; in others there are bold head lands, cliffs, mostly of a reddish hue, clad with greenery, or roll ing hills sometimes covered by a growth of rank grass. The depth of the sea around the shore rarely exceeds a maximum depth of I to 3 fathoms, and there are few accessible ports. The towns and seaports are, as a rule, at or near the mouths of those rivers which are not barricaded too efficiently by bars. The long coast-line of Dutch Borneo has only seven ports of call, which are habitually made use of by the ships of the Dutch Packet Company. They are Pontianak, Banjermassin, Kota Baru, Pasir, Samarinda, Beru and Bulungan. The islands off the coast are not numerous. Excluding some of alluvial formation at river-mouths, and others along the shore which owe their existence to volcanic upheaval, the principal islands are the Natuna group on the west, the Tawi-tawi group to the east, Banguey and Balambangan on the north, Labuan (q.v.), a British colony off Brunei, Tarakan on the east, Pulo Laut on the south-east, and the Karimata islands.
Lakes are neither numerous nor very large. In most cases they are more fittingly described as swamps. In the flood area of the upper Kapuas, already mentioned, there occurs Lake Luar, and there are several lake expanses of a similar character in the basins of the Barito and Kutei and all other large rivers. A really fine natural harbour is that of Sandakan, the principal settlement of the North Borneo Company on the north coast.
The dog, cat, pig, and fowl are domesticated. The buffalo, a smaller breed than that met with in the Malayan Peninsula, and in some districts bullocks of the Brahmin breed, zebu, and small horses and goats are the principal domestic animals. The char acter of the country and the nomadic habits of many of the na tives of the interior, who rarely occupy their villages for more than a few years in succession, have not proved favourable to pastoral modes of life. The buffaloes are used not only in agri culture, but also as beasts of burden, and as draught-animals. Horses, introduced by Europeans and owned only by the wealthier classes, are found in Banjermasin and in Sarawak. In British North Borneo, and especially in the district of Tempasuk on the north-west coast, Borneo ponies bred originally, it is supposed, from stock indigenous to the Sulu archipelago, are fairly common.
See H. Keppel, The Expedition to Borneo of H.M.S. "Dido" for the Suppression of Piracy, etc. (1847) ; Posewitz, Borneo (trans. 1892) ; Hose and MacDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo (1912) ; H. N. Ivor Evans, Among Primitive Peoples in Borneo (1922). (C. H.; E. S.) Population.—The population of Borneo was estimated (1927) to be about 3,000,000. The Europeans number some 5,000 and the Chinese 250,000. According to the latest official estimates, the population of the four divisions of the island is: Dutch Borneo, 2,194,533 (census of 1930) ; British North Borneo, 270,223 (census of 1931) ; Sarawak, 600,000 (estimated) ; Brunei, 30,135 (census of 1931).
The classification of the peoples of Borneo is beset with diffi culties, because clear lines of demarcation between types are, for various reasons, almost impossible to determine.
Another cause of intermixture is economic. Certain tribes espe cially skilful in the obtaining of valuable forest products, have been, during all periods, in great request ; and isolated members, or small parties, have constantly left their home-districts for some centre where they have been able to find a ready market and good prices. In later days the demand in Europe for forest products has brought down to the coast or else to convenient up-country de pots, people who otherwise would have lived remote.
The rivers are always the highways of the country, and have been responsible for a number of landslides of population on a considerable scale ; e.g., the movement of the Peng tribe on the Upper Mahakam of Dutch Borneo down river in 1885 (following an attack by the Ibans of Batang Lupar), and, again, from Dutch Borneo into the up-country portions of the Baram district of Sarawak in 1898-99.
In Borneo itself it is doubtful if any communities of this race remain, although individuals may occasionally be met with whose hair and facial characteristics strongly suggest an infusion of Negrito blood. Such cases are perhaps sufficiently accounted for by the fact that from time to time slaves and captives have been imported from outside.
The first word means "Sea people," and is applied by the pagan inhabitants of the island to Malays. who are Mohammedans and mostly live on the coast ; the second is a Bornean word varying in exact significance according to locality, and meaning either up country people, or more generally, all people who are not coast people or Mohammedans. The Malays first settled in Borneo, especially on the north coast, some 70o years ago, and later pene trated inland, naturally following the course of the many rivers. They seem to have belonged, in the main, to the class known as Orang-Benua (men of the soil) , such as are found elsewhere (e.g., in Celebes, Jilolo and Madagascar) and are distinct from the cultured Malay peoples, many of whom were probably Hindus before conversion. Many of the Orang Malayu in the island to day are either recent converts to Islam, or the descendants of such converts.
"Pagan" Tribes.—Regarding the origin of the older and pagan peoples, at some very remote period, a considerable migration took place, of Caucasian' tribes and peoples, described as a Proto Caucasic race, and in a south-easterly direction, even reaching, at its extreme easterly limit, as far as the islands of the western Pacific. To these peoples when settled in their Asiatic home, was given the name Indonesians, meaning thereby all the earlier in habitants of the islands and sea-coast countries from Burma to New Guinea. These Indonesians were dolichocephalic. On their way south and east they encountered, with varying results, other migratory tribes known as Southern Mongols and Oceanic Mon gols, who seem to have originated in northern China and would appear to have parted company on their way south. An admix ture in various degrees between them and the Caucasic peoples then formed two distinct great groups of peoples travelling south, either down the valleys of the Brahmaputra and the Irrawaddy, or through southern China and Cambodia by way of the Mekong and Sikiang and in some cases passing to their present habitat by way of the Philippines. From an admixture of these two elements are descended the pagan tribes of Borneo.
The Cambridge university anthropological expedition in 1898 confirmed Hose's suggested classification of these six groups; viz., Punans, Klemantans, Kenyahs, Kayans, Muruts and Ibans (commonly known as Sea-Dayaks) ; the first three representing the oldest stock in the island, Kayans, Ibans and Muruts being later arrivals. Of these tribes it is more than likely that the Kayans and Kenyahs took the westerly route, the Punans, Kle mantans, Ibans and Muruts, the easterly. The Kayans and Ken yahs are, therefore, presumably akin to such peoples as the Nagas, Karens, Arakanese, and what Keane calls Tibeto-Burmese; while the Punans, Klemantans, Ibans, and Muruts (the latter of whom show considerable affinity with certain Philippine tribes) have as their kinsmen Formosans, Bugis, Javanese, Sundanese, and Ma lays. The Punans, Klemantans and Kenyahs have a predominant percentage of Caucasian features, the long head, wavy rather than curly hair and fair complexion. The Mongolian ingredients are shown by the Mongol "fold" of the eyelid, which is found in a very large number of cases. They arrived in Borneo as pagans and remain pagans to this day, having a number of gods of an in definite character and personality, mostly deities derived from natural phenomena (as the sea, the forest, and so forth), but be lieving vaguely in one Supreme Being. They make figures of their gods and build altars, but have not reached the stage of temple-building.
The three other tribes, the Kayans, the Muruts and the Ibans, all arrived in Borneo late enough for them to be called in vaders. The Kayans, though later arrivals than the Punan Klemantan-Kenyah group, are undoubtedly the most occidental of all the peoples. They seem to have migrated very slowly, halt ing for long periods at the various stages, but never remaining permanently at any point until they reached Borneo. They brought with them their own culture, and hardly mingled at all with the various Mongol peoples whom they encountered. With them are to be grouped, according to Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis (Quer durch Borneo, Leyden, 1904-07), the great Bahau people found in the eastern part of Dutch Borneo.
The Muruts are rather more Caucasian than the Kayans, but they brought with them less from the west, very possibly because they took a longer time over their journey, and were more af 'The words "Caucasian," "Caucasic" are here used as convenient terms without any geographical significance. "We are no more called upon to believe that the Caucasic peoples originated in the Caucasus than that the Semites are all descendants of Shem." (Keane op. cit.) fected in habits, although not in race, by the peoples whom they met.
The third group, the Ibans, who perhaps are nearer to the Muruts than any other group and may be the latest of the in vaders, stand somewhat apart, for they differ more from the other tribes than the latter do from each other. They, like Punans, Klemantans and Muruts, have been called Proto-Malayans, and are often referred to as Malays. This nomenclature, however, re quires correction. The Malays are not a racial or ethnological, but a religious group; converts to Islam dating from the i 2th cen tury, who after their conversion so changed their habits of life that, acquiring great influence over all parts of Indonesia, they appeared to be a homogeneous race, though in fact made up of all sorts of tribes and peoples. These energetic sea-rovers and conquerors appear to have spread either from the peninsula or from the Sumatran district of Menangkabau, about eight or nine hundred years ago, founding permanent settlements around the Bornean sea-board and the adjacent islands of the Archipelago, and spreading eastwards almost to Papua and north to Cambodia and Annam. Among others with whom they came into close con tact were the Ibans of Sarawak, who, if they were not actually converted, at least acted with them in various enterprises, chiefly piracy and the capture of slaves.
There is a tradition, which cannot be satisfactorily checked, that a few centuries ago the Ibans were brought from Sumatra into Borneo by Malay nobles of Sarawak. This is possibly cor rect, but it is quite probable that many settlements of Ibans had already been formed in other parts of Borneo before any Malay occupation of the coastal districts.
Ibans have undeniably associated with Malays and actually, by conversion to Islam, become Malays and intermarried with them, and the Malay language undoubtedly contains many Iban words ; but they are only one of the many widely differing and widely scattered peoples out of whom the present day Malays have been built up.
The actual power and influence of a chief depend naturally on local and tribal custom and personality. Among Kayans, Ken yahs, and most Klemantans, the influence of the village chief is considerable; among Muruts and Ibans it is less marked, while among the Punans the functions of the chief are informal and are chiefly concerned with social welfare. Among the Kayans, and still more so among the Kenyahs, his position is one of greater au thority and he receives much voluntary assistance, consideration, and respect.
Social Classes.—A peculiar feature especially noticeable among Kayans and Kenyahs, but one which with the diffusion of Euro pean influence is gradually disappearing, is the existence in a vil lage of three different classes of inhabitant. Such a class distinc tion doubtless owes its origin to the taking of captives by con quering tribes, and is for that reason more to be observed among the Kayans than with others; in some cases also the creation of a lower class has been due to disciplinary action. Among Kay ans and Kenyahs there are to-day three strata of society, more or less distinguishable and recognized by the people themselves. The upper class consists of the family of the village chief and his near relatives; they bear their part in the work of the community, such as the cultivation of crops, but their work is less prolonged and less intensive than that of the lower classes.
The lowest of the three classes is that containing descendants of captives taken in the former civil wars. The modern governments of Borneo have given such opportunities for captives to regain their independent status, that this third class is gradually dying out. Among the Ibans, who are geographically the nearest to the important centres of the Government of Sarawak on all the large rivers of the country, it can be said no longer to exist. Among the tribes where the system still remains, the position of these cap tured people is in no sense that of slaves except that they are at tached to the house, and need certain formalities to procure their emancipation, a step rarely taken and often retraced. These de pendents are either what is called "servants of the house" or "servants outside the room." Those inside the house are the fam ilies of captives, absorbed into it by marriage; their work and posi tion are servile only in so far as they are bound to the house; in practice they are part of the tribe. The servants outside the room are hangers-on, whose connection with the house is accidental; and whose absence or presence is immaterial. They are not inclined to leave, and when they do so, are easily persuaded to return.
Between these is a middle class, who commonly comprise the majority of the people in a house. De facto they belong to the upper class although their voices in public affairs carry less weight. They are, as might be expected, the result of fusion or of de cadence, parvenus who are in the process of working upwards, or members of a higher class who have fallen. As the influence of the central government spreads, these distinctions tend toward obliteration, the lowest class ceasing to be created, and the middle class being gradually absorbed into the higher.
The unit of political life is the village, which may consist of one or more long houses. Each house has its own chief, but one is recognized as the. head chief of the village. Each village is inde pendent although, as a matter of caution, before any important affair, such as a change of location or the undertaking of a war expedition, the advice and often the co-operation of neighbour ing villages belonging to the same tribe is sought. Intermarriages between villages, which, especially in the case of chiefs, are common, more usually result in alliance than fusion.
Long Houses.—The Long House, which is found in all parts of the island, is derived perhaps from the pile-built houses of lake dwellers, such as are found to-day, together with raft-dwellings, along the tidal rivers and especially at Brunei, a pile-built town. These long houses, the best of which are built by Kayans, are erected on the banks of tidal rivers, out of reach of the freshets, and are usually of one type, the average length being six or seven hundred feet. They are divided longitudinally into two parts, the front forming a long gallery serving as a communal room, a sort of combination of public hall and village street. The back is divided into a number of rooms, each housing one family. The whole is built on massive piles of ironwood and raised 15 to 2of t. from the ground, the gallery being reached by ladders. A Kayan village usually consists of three to five such houses. The same is frequently the case with Kenyah and some Klemantan villages, but an Iban settlement invariably consists of a single house at no great distance from others.
In the matter of beliefs the Bornean, possessing a mechanical mind, is under no illusion as to "devils" resident in machinery. At the same time, the belief in various spirits is an essential in gredient in his nature. In Borneo, as elsewhere, the progressive stages of belief range from Animism through Polymorphism to Monotheism. These forms of belief are found not only spread throughout the islands, but commonly combined in one tribe and in one individual. The belief in spiritual powers is universal, such powers being either (a) Anthropomorphic gods, or (b) vague im palpable nature spirits, for which the generic name in Kayan is Toh, possibly a corruption of the Malay word Hantu, ghost.
Beside and above all these is one principal god who is perhaps regarded as a sort of house or village chief among gods, and whose name, rather than his functions, varies in different tribes. Among the Kayans he is known as Laki Tenangan, and has a wife Doh Tenangan, who is especially addressed by women; among many Klemantans he is Pa Silong, among Kenyahs, Penyalong. Pen yalong, with the Punans, is the title given to a crocodile god, who is almost the only personal god in whom they believe.
Toh.—The second class of spirits, the Toh, are vaguely con ceived and may include the souls of animals and men past and present. They are regarded as malevolent and the object of fear, surrounding the long house and infesting the rivers, the moun tains, the forest, and, by coastal tribes, the sea. Death, sickness, the failure of crops and other major disasters are ascribed to the influence of these spirits which may be avoided by disguise, or propitiated by offerings. Toh are naturally most formidable in the least accessible places, such as mountain-tops, and, to some ex tent, caves and waterfalls. In the regulating of conduct they play an important part, being connected with various taboos; it is on fear of them rather than any feeling towards the major gods, that morality is based. The most important Toh are those connected with the.dried heads of enemies, which are found in many Bornean long houses.
Life after Death.—The attitude of Borneans towards death and the life after death is peculiar, since a man's soul is regarded as remaining in the neighbourhood of the body so long as it re mains in the house. The Kayans appear to distinguish two souls, the one (Blua) the true vital principle, the other a ghost-soul, which in a live man may wander far, in dreams, in sickness and in abstractions; and accordingly the word urip, meaning to be alive, is used as a term of respect to a person recently dead, but still, so to speak, in the neighbourhood. After death the soul is sup posed to wander on foot until from a high point it views a great river, Long Malan (Long Bali Matai of the Kenyahs), in the basin of which are found the dwelling places of souls, the destination of each varying according to the manner of death. The largest of these districts is Apo Leggan (Kayan), where life is continued much as on earth. Other districts are Tan Tekkan, where suicides pass a miserable existence, and Long Julan, the weir leading to the lake of blood, where warriors who have met a violent end live in comfort, having for wives the ghosts of women who died in child birth. The river of death, which all must cross, is bridged by a single log suspended from bank to bank, and constantly shaken by a guardian, Maligang (Klemantan) . At the far end of this rocking bridge, according to the Punans, sits a giant helmeted hornbill, which frightens timid souls and causes them to fall into the river and be swallowed by a great fish.
In general the life after death is considered as not in any way much different from this life. Social distinctions, especially such as are achieved by the taking of heads in war, are perpetuated; hence the importance attached to tattooing. Death is neither greatly feared nor desired, and often old people, apparently cheer ful and vigorous, will express their entire indifference to the whole matter.
Omens.—The observation of omens, whether by the cries of birds and beasts, or by the livers of sacrificial pigs, plays a most important part in the life of every tribe.
In the first place, auspices from birds are always taken by the aristocracy of a tribe, and consist in the observation of the flight of hawks made from a tabernaculum or booth with a rectangular frame, embracing a definite portion of the sky (templum) . The flight of birds to the left is considered, in each case, a good omen. While the omens are being taken all sounds which might be unpro pitious are drowned by the beating of gongs and drums, a band of young men being provided for the purpose. These omens, when obtained, must be corroborated by the inspection of a sacrificial animal, a pig or a fowl. In Borneo, the liver is the seat of omens, and is, for the purposes of haruspicy, divided into certain regions, which are chiefly geographical or territorial. The omens thus ob tained are held to be the answer of the god to the prayers carried to him by the spirit of the pig.
The rice-harvest (danggi) is one of the greatest importance, and the continuity of life, in the seed-grain, with which is asso ciated the fertility of the women of the tribe, is ensured by the ceremonial mixture of old and new rice, grains taken from a spe cial store of rice kept in the house for this semi-religious purpose, being added each year to the grain intended for planting. The old store is on each occasion replenished by a similar quantity of new seed.
The taking of the heads of enemies killed in battle has certain characteristic features which deserve special notice. In this mat ter it is necessary to distinguish clearly between the practice of the Ibans in this matter, and that of the other tribes. (See HEAD HUNTING.) Among Ibans.—Ibans alone appear to take heads for the sake of glory, and to attack other tribes with this aim. It is highly probable that they were not the originators of the habit, but hav ing come across it in existence among other tribes, they found it to their liking and made a hobby of it. In this doubtless they were encouraged by the Mohammedan pirates with whom they co operated between the r 5th and 19th centuries and who allowed them to take the heads of such enemies as were not captured alive. To-day the spread of European influence and the fact that Ibans are mostly to be found near government stations, has done much to stamp out head-taking; but, in any case there has been, both in fiction and in sober histories, a deal of exaggeration as to the custom. Undoubtedly Ibans have been known to attack friendly villages and even rob tombs in order to obtain heads; and it is equally true that they have been encouraged by their women-folk. But to suggest, as has been done frequently, that marriage is con ditional upon head-taking, or that head-hunting is a habitual exer cise, is completely misleading.
Among the Kayans, whose practice is typical and largely influ ences that of other tribes, the period of mourning for a dead chief is only terminated by the taking of a head; but, since that termi nation may be indefinitely delayed, the village waits (often for years) for a casus belli with another tribe, when a successful raid may achieve a double purpose. Nowadays, indeed, a dried head is often borrowed from a friendly village, both for this purpose and for the harvest festival and fertility of the crops and also for the ceremony of initiation of young boys into the art of war, in which a head is struck at by tiny children in mimic warfare; while at certain stations the Government keeps a few old heads which can be borrowed. Kayans do not care to have in the house more than some 20 or 3o heads at most, and on certain occasions, e.g., the removal to a new house, such as are superfluous are furtively left behind in a newly built hut where a fire kept burning for several days deceives the ghost souls of the heads.
The origin of Toh is probably due to the belief that the ghost souls are resident in the human head, which, as long as it is not neglected, produces fertility in the soil, and promotes the growth of crops as well as the prosperity of the community in general and in particular that of the person who, alone, or with others, took the head. If neglected, the head is said to grind or champ its teeth, and on occasions, to cast itself on the floor, breaking the rattan by which it is suspended. The wooden hooks and bamboo cups attached to the heads of enemies mean that pro vision is made for additional heads and sustenance for the ghost-souls. Similar beliefs are current among the people of Assam, and this similarity is of importance in indicating the origin, migrations, and the persistence of beliefs amongst tribes which must have separated before the dawn of recorded history.
The Bornean tribes seem in earlier days to have done little or nothing in the way of raising crops, being content, as are the Punans, with the products of the forest ; and rice would seem to have been unknown in the island until some three hundred years ago. To-day it is the staple food of the island, having, in all like lihood, been introduced from Java by Malays or from the Philip pines by the Muruts and their kindred. Muruts are credited with having introduced rice-cultivation in terraces and irrigation, and they are the best farmers in the interior of Borneo inasmuch as they raise two crops a year. Apart from rice, they cultivate a cer tain amount of maize, millet, tobacco and vegetables, especially gourds, cucumbers and chillies; and they are thus able to be self supporting throughout the year. The only other tribes that produce enough to keep themselves are the Kayans and the Ibans. The Kayan is here, as in other matters, painstaking and methodical. His only crop is rice, but he takes great care in selecting various kinds so as to suit different localities. The Iban shows his versatil ity in the variety of produce, and he is careful not to exhaust his land. He is a hard worker and grows various vegetables in small areas cultivated by individual families.
Of the other tribes Klemantans are skilful up to a point, but they have only comparatively recently become farmers, and as their chief aim is to economize labour, they depend largely on im ported food-stuffs. The Kenyah is prevented from being a good agriculturist only by his natural improvidence and his hospitality. He rarely raises enough rice to last him for more than nine months; for the rest of the year if he cannot exchange jungle produce for what he needs, he is, like the Punans, satisfied with wild sago.
The collection of various commercial products for sale or ex port is the source of various profitable industries. The chief com modities thus obtained are rattans, vegetable tallow from the seed of the Shorea tree (Punans and Ibans) , rubber, both wild and (latterly) Para, beeswax, beche-de-mer or trepang (coastal tribes); camphor (Punans), gutta-percha (Kayans, Klemantans and Ibans) and edible birds' nests (Kayans and Klemantans). The most important arts are boat and house building, ironwork (Kayans and Kenyahs), basket and mat work (Klemantans and Punans), weaving (Ibans), carving (Kayans, Klemantans and Kenyahs), and the manufacture of the blow-pipe (Kayans, Ken yahs and Punans). Tattooing is common all over the island, espe cially among Kayan women, with whom it has a ceremonial and religious significance.
Considerable progress has been made in the development of oil-fields in Dutch Borneo, and the Nederlandsch Indische Indus trie en Handel Maatschappij, the Dutch business of the Shell Transport and Trading Company, increased its output from 123, 592 tons in 1901 to about 675,000 tons in 1926. At Miri, in Sarawak, great discoveries have been made (see SARAWAK), but in North Borneo up to the end of 1925 no oil in paying quantities had been found, although there are numerous indications in Kalias and other parts of the State. Coal mines have, in many instances, been opened and abandoned. Coal of good quality has been found in Pengaron and elsewhere in the Banjermasin dis trict, but most Borneo coal is considerably below this average. It has also been found in fair quantities at various places in the Kutei valley, and in Sarawak. The coal-mines of Labuan (q.v.) have been worked spasmodically, but success has never attended the venture. Sadong yields something under 130 tons a day, and there is the Kilingkang range of hills in Sarawak, at Selantik, an enormous coal-field, well surveyed by the Government. In 1825, John Crawfurd, the orientalist, learned that a quantity of anti mony had been brought to Singapore by a native trader as ballast. The principal mine is at Bidi, in Sarawak, but the supply has been diminishing for several years.
There is no reason to believe that Borneo has ever formed a political unity; and few if any of its indigenous inhabitants have any conception of it as an island. By some Klemantan has been declared to be its native name, but for this there is scant war ranty, natives of the archipelago speaking invariably of a particu lar part of the island, never of the island as a whole. The name Borneo is derived from Brunei (q.v.), the Malayan sultanate of that name on the west coast, which is to-day under British protec tion. The only archaeological remains are a few Hindu temples, and it is probable that the early settlement of the south-eastern portion of the island dates from about the sixth century A.D. In Borneo the primitive Hinduism, which still lingers on in Lombok and Bali, has long ago died out. There exist no data from which the early history of Borneo can be reconstructed. It began to be known to Europeans after the fall of Malacca in 1511, when d'Albuquerque despatched Antonio d'Abreu with three ships to search for the Molucca, or Spice, islands, with instructions to es tablish friendly relations with all native potentates whom he might meet. D'Abreu, sailing in a south-easterly direction from the Straits of Malacca, skirted the southern coast of Borneo and laid up his ships at Amboyna (q.v.) . He returned to Malacca in 1514, leaving one of his captains, Francisco Serrano, a kinsman of Ma gellan, at Ternate, where the latter's followers found him still liv ing in 1521. After Magellan's death, his comrade sailing south south-by-west, entered the Brunei river and landed at Brunei town. During the remainder of the 16th century Borneo, being on the highway between Malacca and the Spice islands, was fre quently visited by the Portuguese, who established a trade with Brunei. Of this the Spaniards in 1573 tried unsuccessfully to win a share, but this object was not attained till 158o, when they supported a claimant to the throne of Brunei who had ap pealed to them for aid. Thereafter the commercial intercourse between Brunei and the Spaniards was intermittent and hos tilities frequent. In 1645 the latter sent an expedition on a larger scale to punish repeated acts of piracy, but the Spaniards and the Portuguese were both seeking trade, not territory. Pros elytizing was only once essayed and Antonio Ventimiglia, a Thea tine monk, its originator, was speedily killed. The monopoly of the Iberian nations in the trade of the archipelago was now as sailed by the Dutch and British East India companies, and the former established trading-depots on the west coast of Borneo in 1604, and in 1608 Samuel Bloommaert was appointed Dutch head factor at Landak and Sukedana. The British reached Borneo in 1609 and by 1698 they had an important factory at Banjermasin, whence they were expelled about 1733 through Dutch influence, the latter having obtained from the Sultan of Bantam a trading monopoly throughout his Bornean territory. In the north of the island, over which the Sultan of Sulu claimed sovereign rights, the British succeeded in establishing their influence to some ex tent, Alexander Dalrymple obtaining possession of the island of Balambangan and the whole of the northern promontory (Sabah). The local Data' (chiefs), who resented this cession of their terri tories, destroyed a British fort in 1775, and this incident pre vented the latter from profiting by a treaty with Brunei concluded in 1774. By the end of the 18th century British influence in Borneo was extinct; and the Dutch also, after a troublous ex perience, abandoned all their Bornean posts in 1809, by order of Marshal Daendels. Freed from intruders, the natives of the Bor nean coast aided and stimulated by immigrants from the archipel ago, devoted themselves to piracy on a large scale, putting to sea in great fleets manned by 2,000 or 3,00o men for three year cruises, and interfering materially with the trade of more civil ized nations. During the British occupation of Java an embassy was sent to Sir Stamford Raffles by the Sultan of Banjermasin asking for assistance; and in 181i Alexander Hare was sent there as Commissioner and Resident. He obtained an advantageous treaty and for himself the grant of a district. In 1816, Java hav ing been restored to the Dutch, the latter obtained concessions from the sultan of about half his kingdom. Meanwhile George Muller, while exploring the east coast, obtained from the Sultan of Kutei an acknowledgment of Dutch authority, but was shortly afterward killed. Trouble in Java caused Borneo to be neglected by the Dutch during a prolonged period, and piracy became ram pant. On the rise of Singapore a direct trade sprang up with Sara wak and Brunei, and to this the piratical adventures of the Bajaus and Ilanuns of north-west Borneo constituted a serious and con stant menace. James Brooke, a retired officer of the Indian Army, who had fitted out his yacht Royalist for exploration in the Malay archipelago, determined to deal with the nuisance. On August 15th, 1839, he anchored off Kuching, the capital of Sarawak, and in 1841 the Sultan of Brunei ceded to him the huge district of Sarawak as a reward for his services in suppressing a civil war in that part of the country and checking piracy. By a treaty con cluded with the British Government in 1888 the second Rajah Brooke surrendered the control of his foreign relations to the British Government. Piracy was finally extirpated by the British Navy by the battle of Marudi bay in 1845. The island of Labuan (laboh-an, "anchorage") was ceded by the Sultan of Brunei to the British Crown in 1847. The conclusion of this treaty with the Sultan of Brunei finally excluded the Dutch from the northern part of Borneo, but it stimulated them to increased activity in the south. The boundaries of British and Dutch Borneo were finally defined by a treaty concluded on June 20, 1891. The rise of Brit ish North Borneo under its Chartered Company is dealt with in a separate article. Labuan was at first only a naval outpost, but in 1848 it became a separate Crown colony, ruled by its own gov ernor. Later, for a period, it was governed by the governor of the Chartered Company's territory. In 1907 it was annexed to the Straits Settlements and declared to be part of the settlement of Singapore. In 1912 it was constituted a separate settlement. The Government of the Straits is represented there by a Resident, who is also the district judge. The Governor of the Straits Settlements is British Agent for Sarawak and British North Borneo.
(H. CL.) Keppel, The Expedition to Borneo of H.M.S. Dido (1846) ; J . R. Logan, The Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia (Singapore, 1847-62) ; H. Low, Sarawak, its Inhabitants and Productions (1848) ; Schwanner, Borneo (Amsterdam, A. H. Keane, Ethnology, and Man—Past and Present (1896) ; H. Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (1896) ; W. Kiikenthal, Ergebnisse einer zoologischen Forschungsreise in den Molukken and in Borneo (Frankfurt a.M., 1896) ; A. C. Haddon, Head Hunters, Black, White and Brown (i9o1) ; A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 19o4) ; C. Hose and MacDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo (1 912) ; Ranee Margaret of Sarawak, My Life in Sarawak (1913) ;W . Warde Fowler, "Ancient Italy and Modern Borneo" in Roman Essays and Interpretations (1920) ; C. Hose, Natural Man, A Record from Borneo (1926) ; J. H. Hutton, British Association Proceedings (Leeds, 1927) ; Archdeacon Perham, Jour. Straits Asiatic Soc.: No. 2, p. 123 (Mengop, Song of the Dyak head feast) ; No. 8, p. 183 (Petara, or Sea Dyak Gods) . (C. H.)