Campbell

CAMPBELL, a city of Mahoning county, Ohio, U.S.A., on the Mahoning river, adjoining Youngstown on the south-east. It is served by the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The population was 11,237 in 1920 (50.9% foreign-born white), and was 14,673 in 1930 U.S. census. It is a rapidly growing industrial and resi dential suburb of Youngstown, manufacturing iron and steel, and was formerly called East Youngstown. The city was incorporated in 1914.

SIR HEN

RY (1836 1908), British prime minister, was born on Sept. 7, 1836, being the second son of Sir James Campbell, of Stracathro, Forfarshire, lord provost of Glasgow. His elder brother James (1825-1908), was Conservative M.P. for Glasgow and Aberdeen universities from 188o to 1906. He assumed the name of Bannerman in 1872, on inheriting a Kentish property from his maternal uncle, Henry Bannerman. He was educated at Glasgow university and at Trinity college, Cambridge (senior optime, and classical hon ours) ; was returned to parliament for Stirling Burghs (the con stituency which he represented uninterruptedly until his death) as a Liberal in 1868 after an unsuccessful attempt at a by election; and became financial secretary at the War Office (1871 i4; 1880-82), secretary to the Admiralty (1882-84), and chief secretary for Ireland (1884-85). Campbell-Bannerman was one of the few chief secretaries who retired from that difficult office with an enhanced reputation. He had the wisdom, according to Parnell, of leaving things alone. When Gladstone suddenly adopted the cause of Home Rule for Ireland, he "found sal vation," to use his own phrase, and followed his leader. In Gladstone's 1886 ministry he was secretary for war, and filled the same office in the Liberal ministry of 1892-95. In the latter year he was knighted (G.C.B.). His administration at the War Office was an excellent one; among other reforms was the es tablishment of a 48-hour week at Woolwich Arsenal. He ar ranged the delicate matter of the resignation of the duke of Cambridge as commander-in-chief with the minimum of friction with the court. On the very day on which the duke's retire ment was announced the Rosebery government were defeated on a snap vote on a motion to reduce the salary of the secretary for war on account of inadequate reserves of cordite. Although he was nominally responsible for the fall of the Government, Sir Henry had earned the general respect of all parties, and in April 1895, when Mr. Speaker Peel retired, his name was suggested for the chair. He would have liked to have the post (he would have been an admirable Speaker), but his colleagues were averse from his retirement from active politics and he agreed to the selection of Mr. Gully.

The divisions among the parliamentary opposition were acute and notorious. Lord Rosebery had given as the reason for his resignation of the leadership of the Liberal Party (Oct. 6, 1896) the internal difficulties among his followers. No official party leader had been adopted, though Kimberley was leader of the op position in the House of Lords, and Harcourt in the House of Commons. But the differences in the party were accentuated by a divergence of opinion about the policy of the Government in the Transvaal negotiations. On Dec. 14, 1898, Harcourt resigned from the leadership, and was succeeded in the House of Commons by Campbell-Bannerman. Two months later (Feb. 6, 1899) a party meeting of members of parliament held at the Reform club, confirmed the choice of Campbell-Bannerman, the names of Sir Henry Fowler and of Asquith, which had been suggested in some quarters, being withdrawn. In accepting the office, at that time a very ungrateful one, Campbell-Bannerman concentrated his efforts on keeping the party together in spite of the pronounced differ ences among its members. These differences were accentuated on the outbreak of the Boer War, to which Campbell-Bannerman himself was strongly opposed. In a speech made at Ilford (June 17, 1899), he had said that "he could see nothing in what had occurred to justify either war-like action or military preparation," and in speeches delivered later he criticized the diplomacy of the Government before the war. Nevertheless, on the outbreak of war, he at once offered to facilitate the grant of supplies, and after the Black Week of Dec. 10-19 he urged courage and new efforts for the prosecution of the war. From the beginning he main tained that peace must be based on the restoration to the con quered states of the rights of self-government and on the co operation of the British and Boer races in South Africa. In the later stages of the war he denounced the methods employed against the Boers—"this stupid policy of farm-burning devasta tion and sweeping of women and children into camps." On June 14, 1901, he said at a banquet of the National Reform Union, "When was a war not a war? When it was carried on by methods of barbarism in South Africa." The use of this phrase brought about a crisis in the party, but nevertheless Campbell-Banner man's leadership was confirmed at a meeting at the Reform club on July 9, which included Asquith and Sir Edward Grey, two of the principal leaders of the imperialist wing.

With the end of the war in 1902 the political conflict assumed a more normal form, and Campbell-Bannerman's difficulties within his own party were simplified by Joseph Chamberlain's adoption of the new fiscal policy, to which the Liberal Party were unani mous in their opposition. It was not, however, Campbell-Banner man, but Asquith who led the free trade campaign in the country. Campbell-Bannerman, in developing the general Liberal pro gramme with a view to the coming general election, advocated various measures of social reform, but made a special point of criticising the Government expenditure, and of the need of re trenchment. The other principal plank in his programme was the limitation of the veto of the House of Lords. On Home Rule opinion in the party was divided. Many prominent Liberals, in cluding Sir Edward Grey and Asquith, said that the victory at the coming election would not be gained on Home Rule and that a Liberal Government would have no mandate for Home Rule. Campbell-Bannerman secured relative unity by restating his belief in Home Rule (Stirling, Nov. 23, 1905), but admitting that there would not be an immediate opportunity. The terms of this pro nouncement had been previously agreed with some of the Liberal imperialists. On Dec. 4, 1905, the Unionist Government resigned, and the king sent for Campbell-Bannerman, who, in a few days, formed his cabinet with the support of all the Liberal leaders, with the exception of Lord Rosebery. The Liberal League (the imperialist section) were represented by Asquith (chancellor of the exchequer), Sir Edward Grey (foreign secretary), and Hal dane (secretary of state for war). The Radical wing was repre sented by John Morley (secretary for India), Lloyd George (president of the Board of Trade), and others. It had been sug gested in some quarters that Campbell-Bannerman should him self go to the House of Lords, but he determined to remain in the Commons, and thus maintain effective leadership of the party. The new Government was confirmed in office by an overwhelming majority at the general election of Jan. 1906; the Liberals num bered 377, Labour 53, Nationalists 83 and Unionists Once prime minister, Campbell-Bannerman's personal popu larity proved to be a powerful unifying influence in a somewhat heterogeneous party; and though the illness and death (Aug. 3o, 1906) of his wife (daughter of Gen. Sir Charles Bruce), whom he had married in 1860, made his constant attendance in the House of Commons impossible, his domestic sorrow excited wide spread sympathy and appealed afresh to the affection of his political followers. This became all the more apparent as his own health failed during 1907; for, though he was obliged to leave much of the leadership in the Commons to Asquith, his possible resignation of the premiership was strongly deprecated; and even after November, when it became clear that his health was not equal to active work, four or five months elapsed before the necessary change was effected. Personal affection and political devotion had in these two years made him appear indispensable to the party, although nobody ever regarded him as in the front line of English statesmen so far as originality of ideas or bril fiance of debating power were concerned. His strength lay in his sincerity and independence of judgment and in the courage which enabled him to take the unpopular side if he was convinced that it was the right one. From the beginning of the session of 1908 it was evident, however, that Asquith, who was acting as deputy prime minister, would before long succeed to the Liberal leadership; and on April 5 Campbell-Bannerman's resignation was formally announced. He died on the 22nd of the same month. He had spoken in the House of Commons on Feb. 13, but since then had been prostrated and unable to transact business, his ill ness dating really from a serious heart attack in the night of Nov. 13 at Bristol, after a speech at the Colston banquet.

For the history of the Campbell-Bannerman ministry, which saw the beginning of the struggle between the two houses of par liament and the passage of many useful domestic measures, see ENGLISH HISTORY. The policies in which the prime minister himself was most keenly interested and in which he was a prime mover were the grant of responsible government to the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony, and the reversal of the Taff Vale decision by the passage of the Trades Disputes Act (1906) .

See J. A. Spender, The Life of the Rt. Hon. Sir H. Campbell-Banner snan. G.C.B. .