CODE NAPOLEON, the first code of the French civil law, known at first as the Code civil des Francais, was promulgated in its entirety by a law of the 3oth Ventose in the year XII. (March 21, 1804). On Sept. 3, 1807, it received the official name of Code Napoleon, although the part that Napoleon took in framing it was not very important. A law of 1818 restored to it its former name, but a decree of March 27, 1852, re-established the title of Code Napoleon. Since Sept. 4, 187o, the laws have quoted it only under the name of the Code Civil.
Never has a work of legislation been more national in the exact sense of the word. Desired for centuries by the France of the ancien regime, and demanded by the cahiers of 1789, this "code of civil laws common to the whole realm" was promised by the constitution of 1791. However, the two first assemblies of the Revolution were able to prepare only a few fragments of it. The preparation of a coherent plan began with the Convention. The ancien regime had collected and adjusted some of the material. There was, on the one hand, a vast juridical literature which by eliminating differences of detail, had disengaged from the various French "customs" the essential part which they had in common, under the name of "common customary law" ; on the other hand, the Roman law current in France had in like manner undergone a process of simplification in numerous works, the chief of which was that of Domat ; while certain parts had already been codified in the Grandes Ordonnances, which were the work of d'Aguesseau. This legacy from the past, which it was desired to preserve within reason, had to be combined and blended with the laws of the Revolution, which had wrought radical reforms in the conditions affecting the individual, the tenure of real property, the order of inheritance and the system of mortgages. Cambaceres, as the representative of a commission of the Convention, brought for ward two successive schemes for the Code Civil. As a member of one of the councils, he drew up a third under the Directory, and these projected forms came in turn nearer and nearer to what was to be the ultimate form of the code. So great was the interest centred in this work, that the law of the i9th Brumaire, year VIII., which, in ratification of the previous day's coup d'etat nominated provisional consuls and two legislative commissions, gave injunctions to the latter to draw up a scheme for the Code Civil. This was done in part by one of the members, Jacqueminot, and finally under the constitution of the year VIII., the comple tion of the work was taken in hand. The legislative machinery established by this constitution, defective as it was in other re spects, was eminently suited for this task. Indeed, all projected laws emanated from the Government and were prepared by the newly established Council of State, which was so well recruited that it easily furnished qualified men, mostly veterans of the Revolution, to prepare the final scheme. The Council of State naturally possessed in its legislative section and its general as sembly bodies both competent and sufficiently limited to discuss the texts efficiently. The corps legislati f had not the right of amendment, so could not disturb the harmony of the scheme. It was in the discussions of the general assembly of the Council of State that Napoleon took part, in 97 cases out of 102 in the ca pacity of chairman, but, interesting as his observations occasion ally are, he cannot be considered as a serious collaborator in this great work.
Those responsible for the scheme have in the main been very successful in their work ; they have generally succeeded in fusing the two elements which they had to deal with, namely ancient French law, and that of the Revolution. The point in which their work is comparatively weak is the system of hypothec (q.v.), because they did not succeed in steering a middle course between two opposite systems, and the law of March 23, 1855 (sur la transcription en matiere hypothecaire) was necessary to make good the deficiency. A fault frequently found with the Code Civil is that its general divisions show a lack of logic and method, but the division is practically that of the Institutes of Justinian, and is about as good as any other : persons, things, inheritance, con tracts and obligations, and finally, in place of actions, which have no importance for French law except from the point of view of procedure, privileges and hypothecs, as in the ancient coutumes of France, and prescription. It is, mutatis mutandis, practically the same division as that of Blackstone's Commentaries.
Of late years other objections have been expressed ; serious omissions have been pointed out in the code ; it has not given to personal property the importance which it has acquired in the course of the i9th century ; it makes no provision for dealing with the legal relations between employers and employed which mod ern complex undertakings involve; it does not treat of life in surance, etc. But this only proves that it could not foretell the future, for most of these questions are concerned with economic phenomena and social relations which did not exist at the time when it was framed. The code needed revising and completing, and this was carried out by degrees by means of numerous im portant laws. In 1904, after the celebration of the centenary of the Code Civil, an extra-parliamentary commission was nomi nated to prepare a revision of it, and at once began the work.
(J. P. E.) Dissemination of the Code.—The influence of the Code Civil has been very great, not only in France, but also abroad. It should be remembered that when the Revolution broke out France had for a century and a half held, almost without a rival, the leading place among the nations of the world. Her language was well on the way to succeeding Latin as the common speech of civilized men; her literature, her arts, the fascination of her culture, the splendour of her capital city, the devotion of her missionaries, held all mankind spell-bound. Yet her law had no admirers or imitators in other countries. Few foreigners thought it worth while to study her meagre legal literature; few students from abroad sought admission to her law-schools. The Revolution and the empire, by the alarm which they excited and by the spirit of nationalism which they stimulated in other countries, went far to forfeit for France the pre-eminence which she had won and was winning by peaceful penetration. But the code saved the situa tion; and ever since its promulgation (March 21, 1804), France has exerted an incomparable influence upon the institutions and legal culture of the civilized world. Indeed, until the promulga tion of the German civil code (Aug. 24, 1896) the Code Napoleon has been without a competitor as a model for law reformers throughout all parts of the world outside the British empire and the United States. In the absence of an English code, the English common law has, in spite of the great place which it occupies, found acceptance in no country outside the circle of those which, by reason of conquest, or of colonization, possess English-speak ing rulers. The 19th century was pre-eminently an age of nation making. In Europe it saw the creation or the unification of Ger many, Italy, Belgium, Rumania, Bulgaria and Greece; on the American continent it saw the Spanish and Portuguese colonies transformed into 15 new nations; and in the East it witnessed Japan, Siam, Turkey and Egypt attempting with greater or less success to grasp the secret of European pre-eminence. Of these 25 nations almost all sought to mark their succession to political maturity, and to proclaim their adherence to the European world, by a general revision and codification of their laws ; and in most cases the model followed was that furnished by the Code Na poleon. The code was attractive in form ; it was written in French; it was, or seemed to be, easy to understand ; it bore the name of the greatest man of the age; it claimed to be catholic, rational, imperial and universal; it was secular without being irreligious and democratic without being revolutionary. In short, according to the ideas of 19th-century liberalism, it set forth in chapter and verse the fundamental articles of the social contract.
Nor did the code have to rely upon its intrinsic merits alone. The reorganization of the French educational system, and par ticularly of the universities, which constituted one of Napoleon's principal achievements, created law-schools which in their turn produced an imposing literature of exposition and commentary on the code. This literature has been an important factor in pro moting the adoption and assimilation of the code by foreign countries.
The blows delivered at Leipzig (1813) and Waterloo (1815 ) to French prestige gave a check, but only for a short time, to the dissemination of the code. In many parts of Italy, for example, the Restoration Governments revived the old laws; but they were speedily compelled to recognize that the clock could not be put back in so violent a fashion, and to revert to codes on the French model. The code of the two Sicilies (1819), the code of Parma, promulgated by the ex-empress, Marie-Louise, in 1820, the im portant Sardinian or "Albertine" code promulgated for Piedmont in 1848, and the civil code of Este (1851) all bear the mark of French influence. These essays in legislation led up to and were replaced by the general civil code for the new kingdom of Italy which came into force on Jan. 1, 1866. The similarity of this code, which is still in force, to the French code is particularly marked in all those parts in which both remain closest to Roman law, i.e., in the sections treating of obligations and real rights. The degree of this similarity may be judged by the fact that for some years past a committee composed of French and Italian jurists has been engaged in the preparation of drafts with a view to a uniform re vision of those parts of the two codes which relate to the law of obligations.
In 1892 M. Boissonade's code was on the eve of being put into force, when the Diet voted that it should be submitted to a further revision. This decision appears to have been due to dissensions between the French and English schools of legal thought. The result was that when the revised code was finally promulgated in 1896 it was found to be neither English nor French but German in inspiration.