CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, the title of the independent Government formed by the seceding Southern States—Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Missis sippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Vir ginia—in the early part of 1861. The causes leading to the secession had grown out of social and economic conditions, chiefly depend ent upon slavery, which had been a subject of compromise for 40 years. Important among the movements toward the separation of the North and South were : the struggle over Missouri ; the nullification pronouncement of South Carolina; the activities of abolitionists which caused the Southern leaders to make impossi ble demands on Congress for the protection of slavery; the pass age of a fugitive slave law which public opinion in the North would not enforce; and finally the struggle between the representatives of the North and South over the constitutional right to exclude slavery from the Territories. The slave States, in proportion to their population, had played a more important part in the previous political history of the United States than was their share. In the election of Lincoln the Southern leaders saw the end of their preponderance of power in the Union, as well as a threat to the institution of slavery.
South Carolina took the position that secession should not be dependent on the joint agreement of the slave States, but rather on the voluntary action of each separate State. In accordance with this policy, it adopted an ordinance of secession on Dec. 20, 1860. Its action was followed by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia and Louisiana on Jan. 9, io, i 1, 19 and 26, 186i, respectively, and by Texas on Feb. 1. On Feb. 4, 1861, the dele gates of the first six States met at Montgomery, Ala., for the pur pose of framing a Government, and after the lapse of four days the convention reported a constitution for the provisional Gov ernment of the Confederate States of America, which was to last until a permanent constitution should be put into operation. All laws of the United States in force on Nov. 1, 186o, which were not inconsistent with the provisional constitution, were continued. The next day (Feb. 9), the provisional Congress elected Jefferson Davis of Mississippi president and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia vice president. Further work of the Congress was to appoint all principal committees, including one of two representa tives from each State to draw up a permanent constitution for the Confederate States as a whole.
Jefferson Davis, at the formal ceremony of his inauguration at Montgomery, Ala., on Feb. 18, delivered an address in defence of the seceded States. It was, he asserted, "wanton aggression on the part of others that justified the action of the Southern people. We have vainly endeav oured to secure tranquillity and obtain respect for the rights to which we are entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation." The president's cabinet, as then constituted, contained Robert Toombs, of Georgia, as secretary of State ; C. G. Memminger, of South Carolina, secretary of treasury; L. P. Walker, of Alabama, secretary of war; S. R. Mallory, of Florida, secretary of navy; J. H. Reagan, of Texas, postmaster-general; and Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana, attorney-general. Of these Benjamin was distinctly the most powerful intellectually, occupying subsequently the positions of secretary of war and secretary of State. Memminger, with little training or aptitude for his difficult position, did not distinguish himself as a financier, and was succeeded in the summer of
by Trenholm, a Charleston banker of high intelligence and good training, who, however, found it impossible to save the Confeder acy from financial ruin.
The provisional congress, on March 11, 1861, adopted and submitted to the several States for ratification the permanent Constitution of the Confederate States of America. It was subsequently ratified by the II seceded States and such portions as were adaptable to war conditions were put into operation in 1862. The document followed closely the funda mental law of the United States, but where opportunity offered the "States rights" view of the sovereign and independent position of the individual States was emphasized. It even went so far as to allow a State legislature to impeach a Confederate official acting wholly within that State ; it was specifically stated that legisla tive powers were "delegated" rather than "granted" and that each State was accordingly acting in its "sovereign and independent character." The Confederate constitution used the words "slave" and "slav ery" in provisions regarding that institution, and forbade all legis lation which might impair right of property in negro slaves. The African slave trade, however, was prohibited. The Southern atti tude toward a protective tariff was emphasized by the constitu tional provision that no bounty should be paid nor any protective duties levied on foreign importations for the benefit of any branch of industry; it forbade the expenditure of public money for inter nal improvements except for aids to navigation and these were to bear their own cost. The expenses of the post office, after the first year, were not allowed to exceed its receipts. The constitution increased the powers of the executive as against the prerogatives of Congress ; it gave him the power to veto separate items in ap propriation bills; and the Congress could appropriate money for particular purposes only by a two-thirds majority, unless it were asked for by the head of that department. The president's term of office was lengthened to six years, but he was declared ineligible for reelection ; members of the cabinet were recognized on the floor of Congress.
These changes all had reference to times of peace. The war powers of the Government were left unchanged from those pro vided for by the Federal Constitution. Provisions of that docu ment as to suspending the writ of habeas corpus and the provisions regarding conscription were left equally vague in the new Confed erate constitution. These led to acrimonious discussion and much bitter feeling against the centralized war powers of the Govern ment at Richmond. As the war progressed, the Richmond authori ties, through force of necessity, became more and more oppres sive, and this aroused the "States rights" feeling of many of the outstanding leaders. Governors of States resisted the acts of Con gress for the conscription of men, the control of food, the suspen sion of civil procedure, and the regulation of their imports and exports, as an invasion of their sphere of authority. Such condi tions made it evident that a confederated form of government, such as was planned by the Southerners, was unsuited to the stringent requirements of war times and contributed doubtless somewhat to the final cataclysm.
With the assemblage of the thirty-sixth U.S. Congress for its second session on Dec. 3, 186o, the question uppermost in the minds of many political leaders was, how could a compromise of sectional grievances be effected. To attain this end a special committee was appointed by each, the House and the Senate, but after prolonged debate it became evident that extremists of neither side favoured compromise and as a consequence these efforts were of no avail. The public, how ever, had not given up hopes of an agreement. Petitions poured in upon Congress for a reconsideration of the Crittenden com promise. Virginia came forth as the champion of a "peace con vention" and on Feb. 4, 186 i—the same day that delegates from the seceding States met at Montgomery to form a Southern Con federacy—representatives from 14 States (later increased to 21) assembled at Washington to settle peaceably the sectional quarrel. After the selection of ex-president Tyler as chairman, the conven tion heard reports from various State delegations and finally gave serious consideration to the Crittenden compromise which it thought "would be acceptable by the people of this common wealth," but after labouring for nearly a month with diminishing harmony, the conference came to naught. The Confederacy, taking no part in conciliatory movements, sent to Washington three com missioners—A. B. Roman, Martin J. Crawford and John Forsyth —to seek recognition as an independent nation and to effect a peaceable agreement regarding public property situated within the seceding States. They, although not officially received, carried on with secretary of State Seward, chiefly through the mediation of justices Campbell and Nelson of the Supreme Court, negotia tions in accordance with their instructions, and, also, for the evacuation of Ft. Sumter. However, when it became known that President Lincoln intended to provision the fort rather than evacu ate it, as Seward had intimated, the Southern commissioners charged the president with a breach of faith and withdrew, thus bringing to a close the last attempt at a peaceable settlement.
In the meantime the Confederate Congress had authorized an army of i oo,000 men; had seized prac tically all the coast fortifications and arsenals within the seceded territory; had adopted a national flag; had given sanction to loans amounting to $15,000,00o for which an export duty of s of a cent a pound on cotton was pledged ; and had sent commissioners to Europe to enlist the sympathy of foreign Governments in the Southern cause.
On April 12 the Confederate forces opened fire on Ft. Sumter and thus was begun the terrible civil conflict which was to last for four years. (See AMERICAN CIVIL WAR.) President Lincoln's call for volunteers to suppress the rebellion, brought to an end the hesitant policy of the remaining slave States. Most of the border States had shown a strong Union sentiment due chiefly to a more diversified economy, closer business relations with their neigh bours to the North and a greater non-slave holding population. When Virginia left the Union, on April 17, 1861, the Unionist faction of the north-west managed to tear away several disaffected counties, organized them into the State of West Virginia, and later entered the Union as a separate commonwealth. The withdrawal of Virginia was followed by Arkansas, Tennessee and North Caro lina on May 6, 7 and 20, 1861, respectively. Four other slave States—Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri—remained in the Union.
Comparative Military Strength.—The final grouping of the States for the great conflict showed II in the Confederacy as opposed to 23 loyal to the Union; in population there was a similar inequality, approximately 9,000,000 (including about 3,500,000 slaves) confronting 23,000,000. No official records exist to show the exact military strength of the Confederacy; however, it has been estimated by competent authorities that it possibly equalled, as compared with the Federal, a ratio of two to three. It was largely owing to the strategic skill of their military leaders that the Southern armies, smaller and more poorly equipped than their opponents, maintained the unequal contest for four years. In the naval operations the North had an overwhelming advantage, which was promptly and effectively used. The blockade of the Southern ports, beginning in the spring of 1861, was much less spectacular than the operations of the army, but was quite as effective in breaking down the Confederacy. It cut off the South from foreign war supplies, and reduced it to dependence upon its own products, which were almost exclusively agricultural. Manu facturing industries hardjy existed in the slave-holding States. Of the few iron works only that of the Tredegar at Richmond was capable of turning out ordnance of the larger type. The output of these plants was supplemented by arms obtained from the Federal arsenals in 1861, by capture and to some extent by eluding the blockade. Powder factories were established and vigorously operated. The scarcity and high price of clothing put a premium on the establishment of textile factories, but their product was far below the demand. As compared with those of the North, the South's railways were inadequately equipped and did not form connected systems. During the war, the inroads of the Federal troops, and the natural deterioration of the lines and rolling stock greatly reduced their value as a military factor. To offset this inequality in numbers and resources, the South had certain definite advantages. Their soldiers would fight a defensive war on familiar soil, for the protection of their homes and property; the vastness of the territory—an area slightly larger than that of the United Kingdom, the Irish Free State, Spain, France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands and Denmark, combined—would make a speedy subjugation of the Confederacy impossible; and with the slaves to till the soil, they felt reasonably sure of a food supply. There was also a firm conviction in the South that England would aid them rather than allow the Federal blockade to ruin her cotton milling industry.
The harvests in the South during the war were fairly abundant, as far as they were not destroyed by the advancing Northern armies. Maize was raised in large quantities, and, in general, the raising of food products instead of tobacco and cotton was encour aged by legislation and otherwise. The scarcity of food in the armies and cities was due chiefly to the breaking down of the means of transport, and to the paper money policy with its attend ant evils.
The War Administration.—The second session of the provi sional Congress, which met on April 29 at Montgomery, voted to accept an invitation from the Virginia convention to make Richmond the capital of the new Government. The transfer was effected by July 20, 1861. In the November following, the Con federacy, for the first time, was to choose a president and vice president in accordance with the provisions of its permanent con stitution. Personal differences (there were no parties) were for gotten, and Davis and Stephens were elected without opposition. The Provisional Government gave way to the new when the first Congress elected under the permanent Constitution met on Feb. 18, 1862. Four days later Jefferson Davis was inaugurated for a term of six years, but this was brought to an untimely close by the collapse of the Confederacy. The personnel of the new Congress and administration was materially weakened by many of the most brilliant leaders answering the call of military duty. Petty jealous ies and an abhorrence of centralized Government did much to lower the effectiveness of the war administration. The first Con gress, after holding four sessions, gave way to the second in Feb. 1864. The latter was able to hold two sessions before taking final adjournment, on March 18, 1865.
Financial Problems.—The Confederacy was hampered throughout its existence by an inadequate system of public finance. The effectiveness of the Federal blockade reduced the proceeds from import duties almost to nothing. A small export duty on cotton was expected to produce a large revenue sufficient to base a loan upon, but the small amount of cotton exports reduced this source to an insignificant figure. There being, besides, no manu factures to tax under an internal revenue system such as the North adopted, the Confederacy was cut off from deriving any consider able revenue from indirect taxation. The first Confederate tax law levied a direct tax of $20,000,000, which was apportioned among the States. These, with the exception of Texas, contributed their apportioned shares to the central Government by issuing bonds or notes, so that the tax was in reality but a disguised form of loan. The specie holdings of the Southern banks largely found their way into the Confederate treasury in payment for the $15,000,000 loan effected early in 186i. Other specie was secured from the various Federal offices and the mint at New Orleans. These sums were soon sent to Europe in payment for foreign war supplies. Also the gold and silver in general circulation soon left the country almost entirely, driven out by the rising flood of paper money. The first notes were issued in March 1861, and bore interest. They were soon followed by others, bearing no interest but re deemable at a stated time of ter the restoration of peace. New issues were continually provided so that from an initial $1,000,000 in circulation in July 1861, the amount rose to $700,000,00o by the autumn of 1863 ; and to no less than $1,000,000,000 by the end of the war. This policy of issuing irredeemable paper money was copied by the individual States and other public bodies. Even corporations and other business concerns issued promissory notes intended to circulate from hand to hand. As a result of this re dundancy of the currency the price of gold rose to great heights. By the end of 1861 a paper dollar was quoted at 90 cents in gold; during 1863, at 6 cents; and still lower during the last months of the war. In the spring of 1865 potatoes sold in Richmond for $10o a bushel and coffee at $4o a pound in Confederate currency, but in gold this was less than the price demanded in New York. This rise of prices reflecting the inflation of the currency was no advantage to the producer. Prices were often fixed by legislative action, and supplies for the army were obtained by impressment, the price to be paid for them being arbitrarily fixed at a low figure.
The bonds of the Confederacy rapidly fell in value, and were quoted during the war at approximately the value of paper money, in which medium they were paid by the subscribers. An effort to avoid the falling price of bonds was the inauguration of a system of produce loans whereby the bonds were subscribed for in cotton, tobacco and food products. This policy enabled the Government to secure at least a part of the armies' food supplies. The South, in its monopoly of cotton, held a pawn of value in negotiating for foreign loans. In the spring of 1863, the French banking house of Erlanger and Company undertook to float a loan of $15,000, 000, redeemable, six months of ter the conclusion of peace, in New Orleans cotton at the rate of
cents a pound. The placing of the bonds in Europe was mismanaged by the Confederate agents, but notwithstanding about $6, 2 5o,00o was realized from the loan.
The foreign relations of the Confederate Government were one of its chief disappointments. Early in 186i W. L. Yancey headed a commission sent to Europe to enlist the sympathy of foreign Governments in the Southern cause. J. M. Mason and John Slidell followed later in the same year, after a short detention by the Federal Government, which had removed them from the British vessel "Trent" while en route to Europe. They received considerable unofficial sympathy; were allowed to float Confederate loans; buy military supplies; and, in violation of neutrality, ships were built in both France and England and delivered to the Confederacy (see "ALABAMA" ARBITRATION). Great Britain's recognition of the Confederacy as a belligerent power on May 13, 1861, gave encouragement to the Confederate Commissioners who were seeking political recognition, but, largely due to the skill and persistence of the Federal minister in London, Charles Francis Adams, this never came.
When it was apparent that the Southern cause was tottering, Vice-President Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter and former justice Campbell of the U.S. Supreme Court openee. communications with the Federal military authori ties for permission to go to Washington to confer with the Federal Government. A conference of the representatives of the two Governments was arranged for Feb. 3, 1865, at Hampton Roads. President Lincoln would consider no terms which did not include a restoration of the union, and as this point exceeded the instruc tions of the Confederate Commissioners, the conference failed. The surrender (April 9) of Lee and the Army of Northern Vir ginia marked the end of the Confederate States of America. In making its struggle for independence, the South sacrificed every thing, and emerged from the war a financial and industrial wreck. (See article SOUTH, THE.) BIBLIOGRAPHY.-An abundance of bibliographical material is
Bibliography.-An abundance of bibliographical material is
tained in the following: J. R. Bartlett, Catalogue of Books and
Pamphlets Relating to Civil War in the United States (1866) ; J. C.
Schwab, The Confederate States of America (Igo') ; F. E. Chadwick,
Causes of the Civil War; J. K. Hosmer, Appeal to Arms (19°7),
Outcome of the Civil War (19°7) ; and C. N. Baxter and J. M.
Dearborn, Confederate Literature etc. (The Boston Athenaeum, 1917).
For an historic treatment of the Confederacy see J. F. Rhodes,
History of the United States from the Compromise of z85o, especially
volumes iii.-v. 0898-1904) ; Edward Channing, "The War of Southern
Independence" (1925), which is vol. vi. of his History of the United
States; J. L. M. Curry, Civil History of the Government of the
Confederate States (19oi) ; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of the
Confederate Government 0880 ; E. McPherson, Political History of
the United States (4th ed. 1882; contains many important
ments) ; J. M. Callahan, Diplomatic History of the Southern
federacy (19o1); Sidney D. Brummer, "Judicial Interpretation of
the Southern Constitution" in Studies of Southern History and
Politics, edited by W. A. Dunning (1914) ; and Frank L. OwsleY,
States Rights in the Confederacy 0925). See also A. H. Stephens,
War Between the States (1867), which is an excellent exposition of
Southern views; J. D. Bulloch, Secret Service of the Confederate
States in Europe (1883); John Bigelow, France and the Confederate
Navy (1888) ; DeBow's Review; and the various works of E. A.
Pollard. Source material is found in the Confederate Archives
lished documents and letters) in the War Dept. at Washington;
Journal of the Congress of the C.S.A., 1861--65 (reprinted by the
U.S. Government, i9o4—o5) ; James D. Richardson, Messages and
Papers of the Confederacy (19o5) ; "Proceedings of First Confederate
Congress" in Southern Historical Society Papers (nos. 6, 7) ; U.S.
War Dept., War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies (188o-19o1) and Official Records of Union and
Confederate Navies (1894-1919); Dunbar Rowland, editor, Jefferson
Davis, Constitutionalist, His Letters, Papers and Speeches (1923).
See also the standard biographies of the prominent Southern leaders.
(J. A. Du.)
CONFEDERATION, primarily any league or union of
people or bodies of people. The term in modern political use is
generally confined to a permanent union of sovereign states, for
certain common purposes, e.g., the German Confederation (Bund),
established by the Congress of Vienna in 1815. The distinction
between confederation and federation (see FEDERAL
MENT), terms synonymous in their origin, has been developed in
the political terminology of the United States. Up to 1789 these
were a confederation; then the word federation, or federal
public, was introduced as implying closer union. This distinction
was emphasized during the Civil War between North and South,
the seceding states forming a confederation (Confederate States
of America) in opposition to the Federal Union. Confederation
thus comes to mean a union of sovereign states in which the stress
is laid on the sovereign independence of each constituent body
(cf. the German Staatenbund); Federation implies a union of
states in which the stress is laid on the supremacy of the common
government (Ger. Bundesstaat). The distinction is, however, by
no means universally observed. The variant "confederacy,"
derived through the Anglo-French confederacie, and meaning
erally a league or union, whether of states or individuals, was
applied in America in the sense of confederation to the seceding Southern States. In its political sense, however, confederacy has generally come to mean rather a temporary league of independent states for certain purposes: as applied to individuals "confed eracy" is often used to describe a secret combination, probably for illicit purposes.
In trade union terminology a federation (e.g., The Miners' Federation of Great Britain) is an alliance of autonomous unions; whereas a confederation (e.g., the Iron and Steel Trades Con federation) is a body to which the constituent unions have handed over the majority of their powers--in other words, a disguised form of amalgamation, made necessary by the provisions of British law.
