CONGREGATIONALISM, the name given to that type of church organization in which the autonomy of the local church, or body of persons wont to assemble in Christian fellowship, is fundamental. Varied as are the forms which this idea has as sumed under varying conditions of time and place, it remains dis tinctive enough to constitute one of the three main types of ecclesiastical polity, the others being Episcopacy and Presby terianism. It regards church authority as inherent in each local body of believers, as a miniature realization of the whole Church, which can itself have only an ideal corporate being on earth. But while in practice it is religious democracy, in theory it claims to be the most immediate form of theocracy, God Himself being regarded as ruling His people directly through Christ as Head of the Church, whether Catholic or local. So viewed, Congrega tionalism is essentially a "high church" theory, as distinct from a high clerical one. It springs from the religious principle that each body of believers in actual church-fellowship must be free of all external human control, in order the more fully to obey the will of God as conveyed to conscience by His Spirit. Here re sponsibility and privilege are correlatives. This, the negative aspect of the congregational idea, has emerged at certain stages of its history as Independency. Its positive side, with its sense of the wider fellowship of "the Brotherhood" (I Pet. v. 9, cf. ii. i7), has expressed itself in varying degrees at different times, accord ing as conditions were favourable or the reverse. But catholicity of feeling is inherent in the congregational idea of the church, inasmuch as it knows no valid use of the term "church" inter mediate between the local unit of habitual Christian fellowship and the church universal. On such a theory confusion between full catholicity and loyalty to some partial expression of it is minimized, and the feeling for Christians as such, everywhere and under whatever name, is kept pure.
Congregationalism proper, as a theory of the organized Christian life contemplated in the New Testament, emerges at the Reforma tion, with its wide recovery of such aspects of evangelic experience as acceptance with God and constant access to Him through the sole mediation of Christ. The practical corollary of this, °the Priesthood of Believers," though grasped by Luther (cf. Lindsay, Hist. of the Reformation, i. 435 ff.) and continental reformers generally, was not fully carried out by them in church organization. This was due partly to a sense that only here and there was there a body of believers ripe for the congregational form of church fellowship, which Luther himself regarded as the New Testament ideal, partly to fear of Anabaptism, the radical wing of the Reformation movement, which first strove to recover primitive Christianity apart altogether from traditional forms. The develop ment of congregational churches proper was gradual, the result of constant study of "the Word of God" in the light of experience. The process can be traced most clearly in London.' There, owing to measures taken in 1565-1566 to enforce clerical subscription to the authorized order of worship, especially touching vestments, certain persons of humble station began to assemble in houses "for preaching and ministering the sacraments" (Grindal's Re mains, lxi.). This led in June 1567 to the arrest of some fifteen out of a hundred men and women assembled in Plumbers' Hall (ostensibly for a wedding), none of whom, to judge from the eight examined, was a minister. Probably they were not long kept in prison, for six of them were among a similar body of 77 per sons "found together" in a private house on March 4, 1568, the leaders of whom were imprisoned, and liberated only after "one 'Here, in 1561, appeared A Confession of faith, made by common consent of divers reformed Churches beyond the seas; with an Exhor tation to the Reformation of the Church. It advocated "the polity that our Saviour Jesus Christ hath established," with "pastors, super intendes, deacons"; so that "all true pastors have equal power and authority . . . and for this cause, that no church ought to pretend any rule or lordship over other"; and none ought "to thrust himself into the government of the Church fas by ordination at large], but that it ought to be done by election." See C. Burrage, The Church-Covenant Idea (1904), p. 43.
whole year," early in May 1569 (ibid. pp. 316 ff.) . Perhaps it was between 1567 and 1 568 that they began to organize themselves more fully in conjunction with four or five of the suspended clergy, with elders and deacons of their own appointing (Grindal, Zürich Letters, lxxxii.; Remains, lxi.). This act of ordaining ministers, probably after the Genevan order—which they certainly used from May 1568—and their excommunication of certain deserters from their "church" (so Grindal), clearly mark the fact that this body of some 200 persons had now deliberately taken up a position outside the national church, as being themselves a "church" in a truer sense than any parish church, inasmuch as they conformed to the primitive pattern. Their ideal is embodied in a manifesto set forth about 15 7 o under the title The True Marks of Christ's Church, etc., and signed by "Richard Fytz, Minister," as being "the order of the Privy Church in London, which by the malice of Satan is falsely slandered." "The minds of them that by the strength and working of the Almighty, our Lord Jesus Christ, have set their hands and hearts to the pure, unmingled and sincere worshipping of God, according to his blessed and glorious Word in all things, only abolishing and abhorring all traditions and inventions of man whatsoever, in the name of Reli gion and Service of our Lord God, knowing this always: that the true and afflicted Church of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ either hath, or else ever more continually under the cross striveth for to have, "First and foremost, the Glorious word and Evangel preached, not in bondage and subjection [i.e., by episcopal licence], but freely and purely.
"Secondly, to have the Sacramtnts ministered purely, only and alto gether according to the institution and good worde of the Lord Jesus, without any tradition or invention of man.
"And last of all, to have not the filthy Canon law, but discipline only and altogether agreeable to the same heavenly and almighty worde of our good Lord, Jesus Christ." Here we have essential Congregationalism, formulated for the first time in England as the original and genuine Christian polity, and as such binding on those loyal to the Head of the Church. All turns, as we see from the petition addressed in 1571 to the queen by twenty-seven persons (the majority women, possibly wives in some cases of men in prison), upon the duty of separation with a view to purity of Christian fellowship (2 Cor. vi. 17 f.), and upon moral discipline "by the strength and sure warrant of the Lord's good word, as in Matt. xvii. 15-18 (I Cor. v.) " were it only in a church of "two or three gathered in the Name." Whatever may be thought of the application of these principles, there is no mistaking the deeply religious aim of these separatists for con science' sake, viz., the realizing of the Christian ideal in personal conduct, in a fellowship of souls alike devoted to the Highest ; nor can it be doubted that the "mingled" communion of the parish churches made church "fellowship" in the apostolic sense a prac tical impossibility. This was confessed alike by the bishops (e.g., Whitgift) and by the Puritans, who maintained the paramount duty of remaining within the queen's church and there working for the further reformation which they recognized as sadly needed by English religion. But the radical "Puritans" (the above documents in the State Paper Office are endorsed "Bishop of London: Puri tans") felt that this meant treason to the Headship of Christ in His Church; and that until the prince should set aside "the super stition and commandments of men," and "send forth princes and ministers (like another Josiah), and give them the Book of the Lord, that they may bring home the people of God to the purity and truth of the apostolic Church, they could do no other than themselves live after that divine ideal. They were not separated of their own choice, but by the word of God acting on their con sciences." Robert Browne.—"Reformation without tarrying for Anie" was the burden laid on the heart of these Congregational pioneers; and it continued to press heavily on many, both "Separatists" and conforming "Puritans" (to use the nicknames used by foes), be fore it became written theory in Robert Browne's work under that title, published at Middelburg in Holland in 1582 (see BROWNE, ROBERT). The story of the many attempts made in the interval by "forward" or advanced Puritans to secure vital re ligious fellowship within the queen's Church, and of the few cases in which these shaded off into practical Separatism, is still wrapped in some obscurity.' But tentative efforts within parochial limits, by accustoming the more godly sort to feel an inner bond peculiar to themselves, prepared many for the congregational idea of the church, and on the other hand made them feel more than ever dissatisfied with the "mixed" services of the parish church. It seemed to them impossible that vital religion could be inculcated, unless there were other guarantee for ministerial fit ness than episcopal licensing, unless in fact the godly in each parish had a voice in deciding whether a man was called of God to minister the Word of God (see C. Burrage, The True Story of Robert Browne, pp. 7, 11 f.). But this implied the gathering of the earnest "professors" in each locality into a definite body, com mitted to the Gospel as their law of life. Such a "gathered church" emerges as the great desideratum with Robert Browne between 1572, when he graduated at Cambridge, and 158o-81 when he first defined his Separatist theory. It involved for him a definite "covenant" entered into by all members of the church, with God and with God's people, to abide by Christ's laws as ruling all their conduct, individually and collectively.
From Browne's idea of a holy people, covenanted to walk after Christ's mind and will, all else flowed, as is set forth in his Book which sheweth the life and manners of all true Christians. As it may be called the primary classic of congregational theory, its leading principles must here be summarized. Since the hearing of the word of God unto obedience is due to "the gift of His Spirit to His children," every church member is a spiritual person, with a measure of the spirit and office of king, priest and prophet, to be exercised directly under the supreme Headship of Christ. Thus mutual oversight and care are among the duties of the mem bers of Christ's body; while their collective inspiration, enabling them to "try the gifts of godliness" of specially endowed fellow members, is the divine warrant in election to church office. Thus the "authority and office" of "church governors" is not derived from the people, but from God, "by due consent and agreement of the church." Conference between sister churches for counsel is provided for; so that, while autonomous, they do not live as isolated units. Such were the leading features of Browne's Con gregationalism, as a polity distinct from both Episcopacy and Pres byterianism. Any varieties in the congregational genus which emerge later on, keep within his general outlines. To this fact the very nickname "Brownists," usually given to early "Separatists" by accident, but Congregationalists in essence, is itself witness.
"The kingdom of God was not to be begun by whole parishes, but rather of the worthiest, were they never so few." This sen tence from Browne's spiritual autobiography contains the root of the whole matter, and explains the title of his other chief work, also of 1582, A Treatise of Reformation without tarrying for any, and of the wickedness of those Preachers which will not reform till the Magistrate command or compel them. Here he, first of known English writers, sets forth a doctrine which, while falling short of the Anabaptist theory that the civil ruler has no standing in the affairs of the Church, in that religion is a matter of the individual conscience before God, yet marks a certain advance upon current views. Magistrates "have not that authority over the church as to be . . . spiritual Kings . . . but only to rule the commonwealth in all outward justice. . . . And therefore also because the Church is in a commonwealth, it is of their charge; that is, concerning the outward provision and outward justice, they are to look to it. But to compel religion, to plant churches by power, and to force a submission to ecclesiastical government by laws and penalties, belongeth not to them . . . neither yet to the Church" (Treatise, etc., p. 12). Here Browne distinguishes acceptance of the covenant relation with God (religion) and the forming or "planting" of churches on the basis of God's covenant (with its laws of government), from the enforcing of the cove nant voluntarily accepted, whether by church-excommunication or by civil penalties—the latter only in cases of flagrant impiety, such as idolatry, blasphemy or Sabbath-breaking. In virtue of this distinction which implied that the nation was not actually in 'See, however, The Presbyterian Movement in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as illustrated by the Minute Book of the Dedham Classics 1582-1589 (Camden Society, 3rd series, vol. viii., 1905).
covenant with God, he taught a relative toleration. In this he was in advance even of most Separatists, who held with Barrow' "that the Prince ought to compel all their subjects to the hearing of God's Word in the public exercises of the church." As, how ever, the prince might approve a false type of Church, in spite of what they both assumed to be the clear teaching of Scripture, and should so far be resisted, Browne and Barrow found themselves practically in the same attitude towards the prince's religious coercion. It was part of their higher allegiance to the King of kings.
Between 158o and 1581, when Browne formed in Norwich the first known church of this order on definite scriptural theory, and Oct. 1585, when, being convinced that the times were not yet ripe for the realization of the perfect polity, and taking a more charitable view of the established Church, he yielded to the pres sure brought to bear on him by his kinsman Lord Burghley, so far as partially to conform to parochial public worship as defined by law (see BROWNE, ROBERT), the history of Congregationalism is mainly that of Browne and of his writings. Their effect was considerable, to judge from a royal proclamation against them and those of his friend Robert Harrison, issued in June 1583. But the repression of "sectaries" was now, and onwards until the end of the reign, so severe that the organization of churches was im possible. We can trace none in England, until we come in 1586 to Greenwood and Barrow, the men whose devotion to a cause in which they felt the imperative call of God seems to have rallied into church-fellowship the Separatists in London, whether those of Fytz's day or those later convinced by the failure of the Puri tan efforts at reform and by the writings of Browne. At what exact date this London church—which had a more or less con tinuous history down to and beyond 1624—was actually formed, is open to doubt. It was only in Sept. 1 S92 that it elected officers, viz., a pastor (Francis Johnson), a teacher (Greenwood), two deacons and two elders. Yet as Barrow held that a church could exist prior to its ministry, this settles nothing. In 1589 Greenwood and Barrow composed "A true Description out of the Word of God of the visible Church," which represents the ideal enter tained in their circle. It was practically identical with that set forth by Browne in 1582, though they were at pains to deny per sonal connection with him whom they now regarded as an apostate.
Separatism was now passing into Congregationalism,' both in'See F. J. Powicke, Henry Barrow (1 900) , pp. 128 foll., for his views on the topic.
abstract term dates only from the 18th century. But "congre gational" (due to the rendering of ecclesia by "congregation" in early English Bibles) appears about 1642, to judge from the New English Dictionary.
sentiment and in language. The emphasis changes from protest to calm exposition. In the freer atmosphere of Holland the exiles lose the antithetical attitude, with its narrowing and exaggerative tendency, and gain breadth and balance in the assertion of their distinctive testimony. This comes out in the writings both of Rob inson and of Henry Jacob, both of whom passed gradually from Puritanism to Separatism at a time when the silencing of some 30o Puritan clergy by the canons of 1604, and the exercise of the royal supremacy under Archbishop Bancroft, brought these "brethren of the Second Separation" into closer relations with the earlier Separatists. In a work of 161 o, the sequel to his Divine Beginning and Institution of Christ's true Visible and Ministerial Church, Jacob describes "an entire and independent' body-politic," "endued with power immediately under and from Christ, as every proper church is and ought to be." But his claim for "independ ent" churches no longer denies that true Christianity exists within parish assemblies. Similarly Robinson wrote about 162o a Treatise of the Lawfulness of hearing of the Ministers of the Church of England which shows a larger catholicity of feeling than his earlier Justification of Separation (161 o) . These semi-separatists still set great store by the church-covenant, in which they bound themselves "to walk together in all God's ways and ordinances, according as He had already revealed, or should further make them known to them." But they realized that "the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth of his Holy Word"; and this gave them an open-minded and tolerant spirit, which con tinued to mark the church in Plymouth Colony, as distinct from the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay. Such, then, was the type of church formed in 1616 by Henry Jacob when he returned to London. It was founded under the tolerant Archbishop George Abbot (1562-1633), and would have been content with toleration such as the French and Dutch churches in England enjoyed. But Charles I. and Archbishop Laud would make no terms with those who denied royal supremacy in religion, and in 1632 this church was persecuted.
Independency. —Besides such regular churches in London and the provinces under the early Stuarts, there were also nu merous "conventicles" composed of very humble folk, such as the eleven scattered about London which Bishop Joseph Hall 1656) reports in 1631, and which he states in 164o had grown to some eighty. In these latter the earlier Brownist or even Ana baptist spirit probably prevailed. Further there was arising a new type of "Independent," to use the term now coming into use. Conjoint repression of civil and religious liberty had made thoughtful men ponder matters of church polity. The majority, indeed, even of determined opponents of personal rule in state and church favoured Presbyterianism, particularly before 1641, when Henry Burton's Protestation Protested brought before edu cated men generally the principles of Congregationalism, as dis tinct from Puritanism. But besides this telling pamphlet and the controversy which ensued, the experience of New England as to the practicability of Congregationalism, at least in that modified form known as the "New England Way," produced a growing impression, especially on parliament. Hence even before the Westminster Assembly met in July 1643, Independency could reckon among its friends men of distinction in the state, like Cromwell, Sir Harry Vane, Lord Saye and Sele; while Milton powerfully pleaded the power of Truth to take care of herself on equal terms. In the assembly, too, its champions were fit, if few. They included Thomas Goodwin and Philip Nye, who had practised this polity during exile abroad and now strove to avert the substitution of Presbyterian uniformity for the Episcopacy which, as the ally of absolutism, had alienated its own children. Yet the "Five Dissenting Brethren" would have failed to secure toleration even for themselves as Congregationalists—such was the dread felt by the assembly for Anabaptists, Antinomians, and other "sectaries"—had it not been for the vaguer, but widespread Independency existing in parliament and in the army. Here, then, we meet with a distinction (cf. Dale, p. 374 ff.) of moment for the Commonwealth era, between `Independency" as a prin is not yet used technically, as it came to be about ciple and "Congregationalism" as an ideal of church polity. In dependency, like nonconformity, is primarily a negative term. It simply affirms the right of any society of private persons to meet together for worship, without being interfered with by any external authority.' Such a right may be asserted on other theories than the congregational or even the Christian. Congregationalism, however, denotes a positive theory of the organization and powers of Christian churches, having as corollary independency of ex ternal control, whether civil or ecclesiastical. Historically the two terms h2ve been used interchangeably during the last two hundred years. But under the Commonwealth many professed the one without fully accepting the other.
During the Civil War Congregationalism broadened out into re ciprocal relations with the national life and history. Thenceforth it involves not only the story of Nonconformity and the growth of religious liberty, but also the whole development of modern England. To sketch even in outline "The Evolution of Congrega tionalism" in correspondence with so complex an environment is here impossible. Only salient points can be indicated.
parallel is afforded by the history of Congregationalism in Scot land, which arose early in the i8th century through the evangelistic fervour of the Haldanes in an era of "moderatism" ; also by the rise of the kindred Evangelical Union, shortly before the Disruption in 1843. These two movements coalesced in a single Congregational Union in 18g6.
Independents or Baptists, remained on the whole Trinitarians, largely perhaps in virtue of their very polity, with its intimate relation between the piety of the people and that of the ministry. Yet the relation of Congregational polity to its religious ideal had already become less intimate and conscious than even half a century before : the system was held simply as one traditionally associated with a serious and unworldly piety. "Church privileges" meant to many only the sacred duty of electing their own ministry and a formal right of veto on the proposals of pastor and deacons. The fusion into one office of the functions of "elders" and "dea cons" (still distinguished in the Savoy Declaration of 1658) was partly at least a symptom of the decay of the church-idea in its original fulness, a decay itself connected with the general decline in spiritual intensity which marked i8th-century religion, after the overstrain of the preceding age. Yet long before the Evan gelical Revival proper, partial revivals of a warmer piety occurred in certain circles ; and among the Independents in particular the new type of hymnody initiated by Isaac Watts (17o7) helped not a little.
The Methodist movement touched all existing types of English religion, but none more than Congregationalism. While the "rational" Presbyterians were repelled by it as "enthusiasm," the Independents had sufficient in common with its spirit to assimi late—after some distrust of its special ways and doctrines—its passion of Christlike pity for "those out of the way," and so to take their share in the wider evangelization of the people and the Christian philanthropy which flowed from the new inspiration. For underneath obvious differences, like the Arminian theology of the Wesleys and the Presbyterian type of their organization, there was latent affinity between a "methodist society" and the original congregational idea of a church ; and in practice Metho dism, outside the actual control of the Wesleys, in various ways worked out into Congregationalism (see Mackennal, op. cit. pp. 156 ff., Dale, pp. 583 ff.). So was it in the long run with the Countess of Huntingdon's Connection, springing from White field's Calvinistic wing of the Revival, not to mention the con gregational strain in some minor Methodist churches.
But whilst Congregationalism grew thereby in numbers and in a sense of mission to all sorts and conditions of men, it modi fied not only its Calvinism but also its old church ideal in the process. During most of the next century it inclined to an in dividualism untempered by a sense of mystic union with God and in Him with all men (see Dale, pp. 387 ff., for an estimate of these and other changes). It lost, however, its exclusive spirit. Its pulpit, which had always been the centre of power in the churches, has for a century or more taken a wider range of in fluence in a succession of notable preachers. Congregationalists generally have been to the f ore in attempts to apply Christian principles to matters of social, municipal, national and inter national importance. They have been steady friends of foreign missions in the most catholic form (supporting the London Mis sionary Society, founded in 1795 on an inter-denominational basis), of temperance, popular education and international peace. Their weakness as a denomination has lain latterly in their very catholicity of sympathy. Thus it was left to the Oxford Revival, with its emphasis on certain aspects of the Church idea, to help to re-awaken in many Congregationalists a due feeling for specific church-fellowship, which was the main passion with their fore fathers. Another influence making in the same direction, but in a different spirit, was the Broad Church ideal represented in various forms by Thomas Erskine of Linlathen, F. W. Robertson of Brighton and F. D. Maurice. In the last of these the conception of Christ's Headship of the human race assumed a specially in spiring form. This conception, in a more definitely Biblical and Christian shape, attained forcible expression in the writings of R. W. Dale of Birmingham, the most influential Congregational ist in the closing decades of the 19th century, in whom lived afresh the high Congregationalism of the early Separatists.
The theological colleges which train for the Congregational ministry have themselves an interesting history, which goes back to the private "academies" formed by ejected ministers. They underwent great extension owing to the evangelical revival, and became largely centres of evangelistic activity (Dale, p. 593 ff.). But they were burdened by the necessity of supplying literary as well as theological training, owing to the disabilities of non conformists at Oxford and Cambridge till 187i. Even before that, however, owing partly to the impulse given by the university of London after 1836, the standard of learning in some of the colleges had been rising; and the last generation has seen marked advance in this respect. In 1886 Spring Hill college, Birming ham, was transplanted to Oxford, where it was refounded under the title of Mansfield college, purely for the post-graduate study of theology (first principal, Dr. A. M. Fairbairn); in 19o5 Chesh unt college, founded by the countess of Huntingdon, was trans ferred to Cambridge, whilst the creation of the university of Wales, the reconstitution of London University, and the creation of Manchester University, led, between Dgoo and 1905, to the affiliation to them of one or more of the other colleges. Indeed in all cases the students are now in some sort of touch with a university or university college. There are eight colleges in Eng land, viz., besides Mansfield and Cheshunt, New and Hackney col leges, London ; Western college, Bristol; Yorkshire United college, Bradford; Lancashire Independent college, Manchester; the Congregational Institute, Nottingham.
The outstanding features in the development of Congregation alism during the first quarter of the 2oth century have been an intensifying of the denominational consciousness and a strengthen ing of the tendency towards Connectionalism. On its practical side this forward movement took the form of collecting i5oo,000 in order to establish the various organizations of Congregation alism on a sounder financial basis, and to supply more adequate retiring pensions for aged ministers. The latter object was the main element in the scheme, proving conclusively that the Con gregational Union is now more prepared than it was to recognize some corporate responsibility for its ministers. This point was further emphasized by certain new and more stringent regulations for the admission and recognition of ministers. The normal entry to the ministry is through a recognized college. Failing this, excep tional cases may be provided for by a three years' probation and periodic examinations under the supervision of a county union. Nothing here interferes with the autonomy of the individual church. Churches are still at liberty to call whom they will to minister to them. But recognition by the union and a share in the union grants and superannuation funds is only available for those who submit to the conditions which the union imposes. The churches generally have accepted these conditions which safeguard their interests as well as those of the ministers and establish the status of the ministry on a much more satisfactory footing.
In 1919 the country was divided into nine administrative areas called provinces and a moderator appointed over each area to act as adviser and "Father in God" to the churches within it. The tentative scheme then adopted was after a few years' trial amend ed in 1924. It was provided that the provinces should be formed by the grouping of county unions, and that a moderator, who might be either a minister or a layman, should be appointed for each such group. The moderators act in concert with the county union executives, and with special provincial committees elected ad hoc. The fear that these arrangements would interfere unduly with the autonomy of the churches has not been realized.
British Dominions.—The growth of Congregationalism in the British dominions and colonies has steadily proceeded during the last hundred years, and was fostered by the union of 1832. In Canada an interesting development has to be recorded. The Con gregational churches, with a few negligible exceptions, are now merged along with the Methodists and Presbyterians in the United Church of Canada. This reunion is the culmination of negotia tions and discussions which have been going on for some years. Congregationalists have taken a leading part in the reunion move ment. They have shown themselves willing to accept a central organization and a closely-knit church fellowship, while safe guarding spiritual liberties. In the doctrinal basis of the United Church they helped to secure that the declaration of faith accepted by the partners to the union should be purely declaratory and should not be made "an imposition upon any." Their college at Montreal, affiliated with others in the theological faculty of McGill University, is doing fine work in training men for the very varied types of ministry which the country requires.
Congregationalism in Australia has not kept pace with the growth of population. In spite of its freedom and adaptability it has made less progress than the more closely organized churches. It maintained too long an individualist type of independency and tended to live on the reputation of certain large and prosperous churches led by men of outstanding ability. But the general level of the ministry is higher than it ever was, and with three colleges in Sydney, Adelaide and Victoria it should not be difficult to maintain it. The Congregational Unions foster a sense of cor porate responsibility among all the churches. The down-town and country churches now feel themselves part of a living organism and they and their stronger brethren stand or fall together. The establishment of provident, sustentation and building funds has done much to increase the denominational consciousness and makes for efficiency and home missionary enterprise. The failure of the recent negotiations for reunion among the Australian churches may prove a blessing in disguise. It is said that Congre gationalism now breathes more freely and is preparing to give itself more heartily to its distinctive witness. The difficulties are very great in a country where practical materialism and religious conservatism seem to go hand in hand. But these very difficulties constitute a challenge and an opportunity, and there are many indications that the Congregational churches are alive to the need and are preparing themselves to meet it.
The Congregational problem in South Africa is much compli cated by the existence of native and coloured churches. These greatly outnumber the white churches, and since the withdrawal of control by the London Missionary Society, have tended to interpret their independency very literally. But guidance and fostering are supplied partly by the white churches, which have to find men for administrative' posts and most of the money, and partly by the Colonial Missionary Society. The Congregational Union of South Africa now comprises all the churches under a central organization and is creating a new sense of corporate fel lowship and responsibility. It is tackling the educational problem among the natives, training teachers and preachers and initiating social work.
In the smaller Congregational Unions of Nova Scotia, British Guiana, New Zealand, Jamaica, Tasmania and Newfoundland, the new spirit of fellowship, co-operation and denominational re sponsibility is making itself felt to the great advantage of the churches themselves and to the increase of their capacity for aggressive work. They represent a new and very effective type of federated independency.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The literature bearing on the subject is given with Bibliography.--The literature bearing on the subject is given with some fulness in the appendix to R. W. Dale's History of English Con gregationalism (5907), the most authoritative work at present avail able. For the ancient church the data are collected in T. M. Lindsay's The Church and the Ministry in the early Centuries (19o2), and in papers by J. V. Bartlet in the Contemp. Review for July 1897 and April 1902. For the modern period in particular see H. M. Dexter's Congregationalism of the Last Three Hundred Years, as seen in its Literature (588o), supplemented by bibliographies in the first vols. of the Congregational Historical Society's Transactions (1901 ff.), them selves a growing store of fresh materials. Of the older histories Wad dington's Congregational History in 5 vols. (1869-188o) contains abundant data ; while for more detailed study reference may be made to various county histories, such as T. Coleman, Independent Churches of Northamptonshire (1853) , T. W. Davids, Annals of Evangelical Non conformity in Essex (1863) , R. Halley, Lancashire, its Puritanism and Nonconformity (1869) ; G. H. Pike, Ancient Meeting-Houses in Lon don (1870) ; J. Browne, History of Cong. in Norfolk and Suffolk (1877) ; W. Urwick, Nonconformity in Hertfordshire (1884) ; W. Densham and J. Ogle, Congr. Churches of Dorset (1899) ; W. H. Summers, History of the Berks, S. Bucks, and S. Oxon. Cong. Churches (1905) ; and F. J. Povricke, History of the Cheshire Cong. Union, 1806-1906. The Victoria County Histories (Constable) may also be consulted. Important documents for Congregational Faith and Order, with historical introductions, are printed in Williston Walker's Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism (1893) . Statistical and other information relating to the churches of the Congregational connection is set forth systematically in the annual issues of the Congregational Year Book. Two magazines have been successfully established: The Congregational Church Monthly and the Congregational Quarterly. For a brief but brilliant account of the Congregational connection at the present time see W. B. Selbie, Congregationalism (1928) , in the series "The Faiths" edited by L. P. Jacks. (X.) The history of Congregationalism in the United States is bound up with the development of the Protestant reformation in Eng land. This resulted in the Puritan movement, whose purpose was, as its name indicates, still further to purify both the creeds and the practices of the Anglican Church as by law established. This movement developed an aggressive left wing, which carried its demand for change so far that its leaders finally insisted on sep arating, not only from what it regarded as the errors in the Church of England, but from the Anglican Church itself. Robert Browne (1550-1631) was a pioneer in this radical protest and those who followed him were first known as Brownists and later as Sepa ratists, both of which names were greatly disliked by those who were forced to bear them. In the early years of the 17th century a congregation, among other groups whose history is uncertain and whose existence was unstable, gathered at Scrooby in the north of England, where William Brewster was postmaster. Their leaders were Richard Clyf ton and John Robinson. This congre gation sought refuge in Holland, arriving at Leyden in 1608. Here they enjoyed the wise and devoted leadership of John Rob inson, won the respect of the Dutch, drew many members from England, and finally reached a membership of about 300. This Scrooby-Leyden group became the first permanent Congrega tional Church. Finally, however, they were convinced that there was no hope of their persistence in Holland. The economic strug gle was too severe, and the second generation was intermarrying with the Dutch and tending to lose the sharpness and fervour of the principles which had guided their fathers in the emigration from the mother country. Return to England was impossible ; they therefore turned to America. After long negotiations their plans won the support of certain English merchant adventurers, a charter was secured, and, after many vicissitudes, the stronger part of the congregation reached Plymouth, Mass., in 162o. The remainder of the group, under John Robinson's leadership, ex pected to follow in due time, as many did, although Robinson himself died in Holland in 1625. These Plymouth immigrants have always borne the name of the Pilgrim fathers. They met the rigours of the climate and the hard conditions of the new country, lived in comparative peace with the native Indians, and assumed a position of great influence in the subsequent settlement of New England.
The next step in the development of the Congregational Churches in the United States is concerned with the Puritan exo dus from England, chiefly due to the persecution of nonconform ists under the leadership of Laud. These immigrants were not Separatists when they left home. They still thought of the Church of England as their mother church, although they were forced to protest against and separate from the errors which they discov ered in it. Laud's policy, however, was uncompromising. There is no more conspicuous example of a foolish programme of perse cution than is seen in this relentless policy to "harry out of the land" a group of people of such quality as the English Puritans. They chose a better location for their new homes than the Pil grim fathers had done. Boston had an excellent harbour; the re gion was favourable to agriculture; profitable fishing was within easy reach. The high tide of this Puritan exodus was reached between 163o and 1640. The settlements were made at Salem, Boston, Charlestown, Watertown and other favourable locations around Massachusetts bay. The significant factor in this story, however, is not the number or quality of the immigration, but the changes which took place in their ideas of church organization and government after they had reached the new country and were forced to organize their churches. According to the statements which they had made before leaving England, it would have been their policy to establish a purified Anglican Church order in Massachusetts. They had said : "We esteem it our honour to call the Church of England our dear mother." Their leaders had never looked with favour upon the independent congregation at Plym outh. In the winter of 1628-29, however, there was dire sickness at Salem, and Samuel Fuller, deacon of the church of the Pilgrim Fathers at Plymouth, hurried to render such help as he could. He was both an ardent defender of the Congregational way in church government and a beloved physician. Our knowledge of this period is scanty, but when the colonists of Massachusetts bay organized their churches they followed the Plymouth model, and the New England colonies became Congregational and not Angli can, after the Salem practice.
The second period in the history of the Congregational Churches in the United States extends from 174o to 1850. During this period the paramount interest was in questions of theology rather than church organization. Periods of spiritual fervour gen erally follow periods of decline. The upward movement is regis tered by a spiral rather than a uniform curve.
The loss in religious fervour of the colonial period was a source of profound distress to the ministers of the Congregational Churches, and under their efforts to stem the tide various religious manifestations took place. The general tendency of the time, however, was to lay stress upon "good works" as the effective means of producing a religious experience. Preaching was there fore concerned largely with ethical idealism. It was not until about i 734 that a widespread and profound movement of religious revival began, which has come to be known as the Great Awak ening. Its origin was in the preaching of Jonathan Edwards of Northampton, Mass. Edwards was both a theologian and preacher of unique power and he ranks as perhaps the greatest intellectual leader produced in the Congregational Churches. In 1740, George Whitefield came from England to help in the Awakening, news concerning which had produced a profound impression in the mother country. The movement then swept rapidly on. Many physical expressions of excitement accompanied the revival and created sharp divisions between the leaders. The good results of the Great Awakening are unquestioned, however. The moral standards of communities were lifted and religion became a vital factor in human experience such as it had not been before. A most conservative estimate of the number added to the churches as a result of the revival is 2 5,000 out of a population of perhaps 300,00o in New England at that time.
The differences in opinion brought out by the Great Awakening quickly deepened and soon the churches were filled with contro versy. The old, stable Calvinism, which had been generally domi nant, was sharply assailed by those who were not satisfied with its affirmations of the absolute sovereignty of God, the total de pravity of man, the inability of the human will in the process of salvation, and the doctrines of foreordination and election. Out of the discussions came at last the only distinctive system of divinity which has been contributed by the United States to the history of doctrine. It was a form of modified Calvinism which is generally known as the New England theology. The heart of it was an emphasis upon the love of God in relation to men and the power of man in responding to the divine influences in the experiences of religion. Theology became less austere and for mal; it was humanized by the definers of the new point of view. In various aspects the New England theology was dominant in the pulpits and theological schools of the Congregational Churches until about the year i800. As was inevitable, however, the theo logical developments issuing from the Great Awakening swung to a left wing, and a strong Unitarian movement was incipient even when the Awakening was at its height. This did not come to full strength, however, until about i800. Then the anti-Trinitarians became aggressive. In 18o5 they secured the election of one of their number to the Hollis Professorship of Divinity at Harvard, thus entrenching themselves in the oldest college of Congrega tional heritage. A strong group of leaders of the liberal movement arose, prominent among whom was William Ellery Channing. The conflict centred in New England. By 1815 the Unitarians had as sumed such strength that they were able to carry a majority in many of the oldest and strongest of the New England Congrega tional churches, and, as a result of a favourable court decision, to maintain possession of the records and property of the organ izations. In Boston, for example, out of 14 Congregational churches all but two became Unitarian, involving immense loss in members and money to the orthodox group, as they were currently known. In Massachusetts alone, 96 churches thus separated from the Congregational organization.
The period from 1800-185o was marked by close union in mis sionary expansion with the Presbyterians, who had little strength in New England, but possessed larger resources in New York and Pennsylvania. In doctrine the two bodies were in practical agree ment, both being Calvinists in their earlier history. In church government they were not sharply separated. When the westward emigration demanded organized agencies to follow the settlers with religious influences, it was therefore most natural that the Congregationalists and Presbyterians should seek to work to gether. They therefore adopted in 1801 a Plan of Union to gov ern their missionary expansion. The New England Congregational leaders felt that the more closely organized Presbyterian system fitted the needs of the isolated settlements of the expanding fron tier and therefore were quite willing that their missionaries should use this form of government for the new churches. The financial support during this half century came principally from Congre gational sources in New England and the missionaries were gen erally members of Congregational churches. They were not guided by any strong denominational consciousness and in the end the results of their work accrued far more to the Presbyterian than to their own fellowship. No statistics are accurate at this point ; but one of the most careful students of the period has estimated that fully 2,00o churches which would naturally have been Con gregational became Presbyterian in the country west of the Hud son river under the operation of the Plan of Union.
The third period in the history of the Congregational Churches in the United States, from 185o onward, has been one of growing self-consciousness in purpose, and the creation of sufficient ad ministrative machinery to carry on its common religious enter prises at home and abroad. No profound doctrinal controversies have rent the churches, which suffered great material losses from the Unitarian separation and the Plan of Union. The most sig nificant developments of the period may be summed up as indi cated below.
(O. S. D.)