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Ezekiel

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EZEKIEL the prophet has recorded, or left us to infer, a few facts about himself. He had been a priest in Jerusalem, most likely a member of the clan of Zadok; while still young he was carried away to Babylonia in the First Captivity, 597 B.C.; his call to prophesy came in 593 ; after that, he lived in a house of his own, with his wife (xxiv. 18), among the Jewish exiles at Tel Abib on the Grand canal ("the river Chebar" iii. 15), some where in the neighbourhood of Babylon or Nippur. His fellow exiles evidently treated him with respect, and waited upon his words (viii. 1, xiv. 1, xxxiii. 31 f.) ; judging from xxix. 571 B.C., his ministry lasted 22 years. Some notion of the man may be gathered from his book. He possessed in a high degree the prophetic temperament, a sensitiveness to the reality of the in visible world, which made him respond at once to the touch of the Divine hand (i. 3, viii. I, etc.), a capacity for absorbed medi tation, of ten passing into the state of trance. While in this con dition he saw the moving throne (i.), performed a mimic siege of Jerusalem (iv.), felt himself transported from Babylonia to Jerusalem and back (viii.–xi.), saw the valley full of bones (xxxvii. 1-14), and the great temple of the future (xl. ff.). Often he made use of symbolic actions to enforce his message. At times these acts were performed in the presence of spectators; e.g., xii. 3-16, xxiv. 15-24, xxxvii. 16-20; but some of them must have taken place in vision, while the trance lay on him ; e.g., iii. 1-3. Such, at any rate, seems the best account to give of the weird symbolism of ch. iv. and v. 1-4. He was subject to periods of speechlessness, iii. 25f., xxiv. 27; but when the impulse seized him, he would burst into poetry: xv. 1-5 ; xvii. I-1 o ; xix.; xxi. 14– 2 2 ; xxvi. (in part) ; xxvii. (in part) ; xxxi. 2-9; xxxii. 2-16. These fine oracles stand out vividly from the monotonous background of his prose.

The Teaching of Ezekiel.

(A.) His conception of God is marked by a deep sense of awe : the holiness and sovereignty of Jahveh were impressed upon the prophet in the vision which constituted his call (ch. i.) . Jahveh will brook no rival, and therefore will punish Israel for its disloyalty and the heathen for their false notions of His divinity and power ; His motive, whether in punishment or mercy, is to bring about the recognition of His sole Godhead: "and they, or ye, shall know that I am Jahveh" sounds like a refrain throughout the book. Ezekiel thinks in sym bols; the ultimate, according to his view, finds expression in the concrete. (B.) Far away in Babylonia, his attention was riveted upon the course of events at home. He denounces Israel's prac tical heathenism; he insists on the speedy overthrow of the Jewish state, in just requital for centuries of ill-doing (i.–xxiv.). That pessimism in reviewing Israel's past, which became characteristic of later writers, is strongly marked in Ezekiel. He rarely be trays any sympathy with his countrymen (except ix. 8, xi. 13). His hopes were fixed upon the exiles ; they were not indeed wholly loyal, yet the future of the true faith lay with them. The mes sage is stern and uncompromising; it was no time for half measures ; Israel's religion was at stake ; that it survived at all was largely due to Ezekiel. (C.) As with Israel, so with the na tions round, both the petty States that were nearest (xxv.), and the greater powers of Tyre (xxvi.-xxviii.) and Egypt (xxix. xxxii., xxxv.) : they deserve nothing but the severest judgment, and Nebuchadrezzar is to be the scourge (xxvi., xxx.) . Curiously enough, Babylon itself comes in for no denunciation, probably because the prophet, in his bitterness against his own people, regarded the instrument of retribution as on the side of God. Ezekiel holds out no hope for the heathen. (D.) When the news reached Babylonia that Jerusalem had fallen ([586 B.c.] xxxiii. 21 f.), Ezekiel's tone changed. His prophecies of punishment had been fulfilled ; he could now look forward to the restoration of the exiles. If he had previously argued the freedom and respon sibility of the individual (xviii.), it was not with the aim of en couraging an individualistic type of religion, but of building up a community out of converted individuals. That is the ideal which henceforth occupies his mind : a new Israel, risen as it were from the dead, living in a land transformed, with Jahveh's sanctuary in the midst of them for evermore (xxxvi., xxxvii.) . Yet there remains one more act in the Divine plan ; the invasion and defeat of all the forces of heathenism, the acknowledgment of Jahveh by all, the final act of history (xxxviii., xxxix.) . This apocalyptic conception had an immense influence upon subsequent thought. (E.) But Ezekiel was the most practical of dreamers. In the last section of the book, xl.-xlviii., he describes his vision of the restored temple, the centre of the new community, built on an imposing scale like one of the Babylonian sanctuaries (x1.-xlii.) . The glory of Jahveh hallows it once more (xliii. I-5) ; every source of defilement is removed ; the only priests who minister there are to be the sons of Zadok (xliv. 15 ff.); and from the temple itself flows a mystic stream, cleansing, healing and benef icent (xlvii. 1-12) .

Text and Authorship.

The textual criticism of Ezekiel was put upon a new footing by Cornill in 1888; and since that time progress has been made in the scientific use of the Greek and other versions for the correction of the Hebrew text, which is one of the most corrupt and obscure in the Old Testament. At present attention is being devoted to the higher criticism of the book, its literary structure, the origin of its ideas, the history and psychology which it contains. The book gives the im pression of being arranged on a systematic plan, with four di visions, i.-xxiv., xxv.-xxxii., xxxiii.-xxxix., xl.-xlviii., in chron ological order. Exact dates occur 13 times, but the sequence, though observed in the main, is broken on three occasions, xxvi. 1, xxix. 17, xxxii. 1; the plan, therefore, is not so perfect as it looks. On closer inspection, the four chief divisions turn out to be collections of oracles often independent of each other in time and contents; moreover, the date at the head of a section does not always hold good till the next date is given; for example, ch. vii., which stands under the year 593 (i. 1 f.), seems to belong to 586 B.C., and xl.-xlviii., headed 573 B.C., is mostly composed of far later material. In fact the impression of unity and chronological arrangement gives way under examination ; the general plan may have been laid down by the prophet, but other hands have en larged it. Editors must be held responsible for some, at least, of the headings, and for the double texts which are met with now and then, e.g., ch. i. repeated partly in x., xxxiii. in iii., vii. x. 19=xi. 22 f.

The element of conventionality and repetition which enters largely into the prose of Ezekiel may be in some measure due to scribes, who felt no scruple in glossing the text or altering it to suit their taste. A good instance of their methods is seen in ch. xxvii. ; the splendid dirge over Tyre has been cut in two by the insertion of a prose passage, vv. II-25a, which ruins the unity of the poem. Evidently Ezekiel's writings were studied with keen interest, as we may gather from the final section, xl.-xlviii. The first three chapters, with the additions of xliii. 1-12, xliv. 9-25, 28-30, xlvii. 1-12, are probably the work of the prophet; all that remains in xliii.-xlviii. is made up of fragments, which here and there reveal the technique of the priestly school. They are experiments in legislation. Most of them were never carried out, e.g., the re-distribution of the land, xlvii. 13-xlviii. 35; some were modified later, e.g., the two days of atonement, xlv. 18-20; in fact, what we come upon here is an early stage of the movement which in the end produced the Priestly Code. The task of re construction which Ezekiel had begun was carried on for years in priestly circles, and their tentative regulations were attached to his book, a natural place for them to find a lodging. Historically these enactments stand midway between Deuteronomy and P. Another law-book with which Ezekiel has relations is Lev. xvii.-xxvi., the law of holiness, as it is called ; and in this case the relationship is so close that it points to a common time of origin and the same circle of ideas and interests.

The affinity between Ezekiel and Jeremiah is also remarkable. Thus both prophets insist, often in similar language, upon the overthrow of Jerusalem and the temple (e.g., Jer. Ezek. iv. f., vii., xix.-xxiv.) ; both give up the people of Judah in despair, and fix their hopes upon the exiles (Jer. xxiv., xxix. io ff. ; Ezek. xi. 16-21, xxxvi. 24 ff .) ; both proclaim the responsi bility of the individual (Jer. xxxi. 29 f. ; Ezek. xviii.) . They are equally certain that the dispersed will be gathered and return to their native land (Jer. xxiii. 3, xxix. 14, xxxi. 8 ff. ; Ezek. xi, 17, xx• 34, 41 f.), and that a second David will come to rule over a united nation (Jer. xxiii. 5 f., xxxiii. 14-16; Ezek. xxxiv. 23 f., xxxvii. 24 f.) ; and while Jeremiah has not the priestly temper of Ezekiel, yet he too looks forward to the continuance of the Levitical ministry (Jer. xxxiii. 18, 21 f.; Ezek. xliv. 15 ff.) . Nevertheless, in spite of all these points of contact with other writings, Ezekiel has an impressive character of its own among the great books of prophecy; none exercised more influence upon subsequent thought and practice, and none perhaps baffles our understanding more.

A different conception from that outlined above has been worked out by Holscher (1924). Ezekiel, he maintains, was the prophet of doom and of nothing else ; he saw but two visions: the one induced him to prophesy the fall of Jerusalem, the other revealed the idolatry in the temple, and roused his fury against the city and its allies, Tyre and Egypt. Ezekiel's own oracles are few, and invariably poetical in form ; all else in the book is the work of a redactor, or of several redactors, who lived just before the time of Nehemiah (c. B.C.) . This view of the book does account for the difference, noticed by every reader, be tween the monotony of the prose and the passion of the lyrics ; but the effect of Holscher's criticism is to empty the prophecies of all serious meaning, and it is applied on a priori principles in a ruthless way which excites distrust.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

C. H. Toy, Ezekiel, translation, commentary and Bibliography.—C. H. Toy, Ezekiel, translation, commentary and revised Hebrew text, in Haupt's Sacr. Books of the O.T. R. Kraetzschmar in Nowack's Handkommentar (1900) ; G. Jahn, Das Buch Ez. (19o5) ; J. Skinner, The Book of Ez. in Exp. Bible (19o9) ; J. Herrmann, Ezechielstudien (5908) and Ezechiel in Sellin's Komment (1924) ; J. W. Rothstein, Das Buch Ez. in Kautzsch's Die Heil Schr. d. A. T. (1922) ; H. Schmidt, Die grossen Propheten in Die Schr. d. A. T. (1923) ; Holscher, Hesekiel (1924) . (G. A. C.)

book, jer, ff, eg, bc, prophet and ezek