THE SECOND REPUBLIC On this occasion, and in contrast to the July Days of 183o, the bourgeoisie were taken by surprise and, for want of time, failed to outmanoeuvre the revolution. Hence they were compelled to accept a "democratic and social" republic of a distinctly red char acter. Thus, along with a great enthusiasm, there were signs of a panic inspired by fear of the socialism which, under the July monarchy, had developed with the growth of industry and of the working class population.
Included in the provisional government installed in the Hotel de Ville, and not, as in 183o, in the Palais Bourbon, were moder ates like Lamartine, and advanced republicans like Ledru-Rollin, a socialist theorist, Louis Blanc, and a worker named Albert. What was to be their policy? The Socialists, declaring that 6o years of political change had not improved the condition of the people, demanded the reform of society itself and the abolition of the privilege of property, the sole obstacle to equality, and unfurled the red flag. The remaining parties wished to maintain society on its former foundation and rallied around the tricolour. Under the pressure of the Parisian clubs the provisional govern ment was forced to enact universal direct suffrage, to open the national guard, till then reserved to the middle classes, to all, and to guarantee work for all its citizens by creating national work shops (q.v.) and by setting up the Luxembourg commission to enquire into social reforms (see BLANC, J. J. Louis).
The road was swiftly traversed. In the new constitution of Nov. 4, the legislative power was given to a single assembly chosen by means of the scrutin de liste and the executive power to a president chosen by the people for four years and not eligible for re-election. Through inexperience, by omitting to declare the members of former ruling dynasties ineligible, despite the objec tions of Grevy, the assembly made the presidency an office dependent on popular enthusiasm.
The disappearance of the republican leaders assisted the Cath olic and monarchical majority. It already had "the republic with out the republicans." It only remained for Louis Napoleon to lay his hand upon the system of education—that medium for dissemi nation of socialist ideas—and then to restore the monarchy. The prince-president pretended to share in the fears aroused in the majority in consequence of the supplemental elections of March and April 1850, which had resulted in an unexpected victory for the advanced republicans.
The Falloux law of March 15, 185o, under guise of establishing liberty of education, in reality handed it over to the Catholics. For half a century the Church was destined to destroy the work of intellectual emancipation achieved by the 18th century and the Revolution. The majority next attacked universal suffrage. The Electoral law of May 31, in requiring of every voter a domiciliary qualification of three years, deprived of its vote the working class population, which was forced by its occupation to be migratory. The Press law of July 16, by re-establishing the "caution money" deposited by editors as a guarantee of good behaviour, aggravated the severity of the press laws.
After the Socialists, it was the turn of the republicans to be crushed. But the President only lent his aid to this campaign in the hope of obtaining the peaceable revision of the constitution. The monarchists, for their part, had only accepted his presidency as a stage in the return to monarchy. A conflict was inevitable. Louis Napoleon cleverly exploited their projects for a restoration which he knew to be unpopular with the country. He travelled through France discreetly posing the question of a revision of the constitution in speeches the tone of which varied according to the district in which he was speaking; he flattered and ingratiated him self with the army, while dismissing Changarnier, the general se lected for a monarchical coup d'etat. Finally he substituted for his Orleanist ministers unknown men who were devoted to him personally: Morny, Persigny, Fleury. It had now come to open warfare. In reply to the defiant motions of the assembly he at once scared the bourgeoisie by denouncing the existence of a vast communistic plot, and attacked the electoral law to win over the mass of the people. The assembly retorted by refusing either to abrogate the article of the constitution which forbade the re election of the president or to restore universal suffrage. All hopes of a peaceful issue to the quarrel disappeared. The Mountain, fearing a monarchical restoration, refused to the quaestors of the Chamber the right of calling on the troops and thus disarmed the legislative power. Louis Napoleon took advantage of this during the night of Dec. 2, 1851; he dissolved the assembly, re-estab lished universal suffrage, caused the party leaders to be arrested and had his powers prolonged for ten years by another assembly. The army dispersed the republican minority in Paris and the provinces, and the plebiscite of Dec. 20 sanctioned the coup d'etat by an enormous majority. The Second Empire was established.