As socialist intellectual leaders began to be affected by the criticism originating outside of the ranks they lost some of their theoretical illusions, and began to temper their claims of Marx's infallibility. "Revisionism," the socialist higher criticism, beginning in 1899 with the work of Eduard Bern stein, a prominent German Social-democrat, gained influence in the party counsels in all countries in the years before 1914. This brought many of the Marxians much nearer to the more opportunist ideas and plans of the Fabian society, which had been founded in England in 1884, but which had been re garded scornfully by the adherents of "scientific socialism." § 10. Socialism and anarchism. In these and other re spects the socialist movement, while gaining in the total num ber of its adherents, was breaking up into various schools of thought. Ceaseless and often bitter controversy over matters of doctrine and of policy have divided the leaders and split the parties. Almost the only general agreement among them is on a negative point, hostility to the existing system of private capital. In respect to the forms of politi cal and of industrial organization that are to take the place of the present order, communist ideas and plans differ widely. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century Marxian social ists were usually associated in popular thought with the bomb-throwing type of anarchists whose aim was to destroy all government and whose policy was that of terrorism and assassination of members of the ruling class. Usually the "scientific" socialists scornfully denounced this classifica tion, declaring that socialism trusted to peaceful evolution, not to violence, that socialism put its hope in the triumph of democratic majorities, whereas anarchy hoped to win its ends through the violence of a minority. Socialism, they said, was primarily concerned with economic organization, and so far as it was concerned with government, looked toward a completer organization of the state for social purposes, whereas anarchy was essentially opposed to the state in any form. In truth, as we have observed above, some socialists conceived of class conflict as gradual evolution, while others conceived of it as bloody and not distant revolution. The rank and file of the socialists have been ready as a majority to "expropriate the expropriators" peacefully, if they could, and willing as a minority to do it violently if they must.
§ 11. Syndicalism and I. W. W. Among the various ten dencies, or schools, within socialistic circles, two especially, syndicalism and guild socialism, have shown the marks of anarchistic influence. These both share the anarchistic dis like of strong central government, and cherish the ideal of self-governing independent communes. The model of the early anarchists was the simple Russian village community. Syndicalism in France originally meant trade unionism. The French syndicates (trade unions) which developed many years later than did the British unions, came under the in fluence both of Marxian socialism and of anarchism in the '80's and '90's, and developed a hybrid form of theory and of program. Syndicalism is anti-parliamentary and opposed to political action within the present capitalist states. It opposes militarism, and repudiates patriotism for any coun try. It favors the violent revolt of a minority whenever the workers are well organized enough to seize power. It favors the general strike as a means of wrecking society, not merely to win in immediate wage-controversies. Its
most characteristic doctrine, detestable to all outside its ranks, is sabotage, which means any kind of vandalism, deceit and dishonesty which may inflict loss upon employers and capitalists and inspire their fears. Everything is permis sible and laudable which would be done by a spy in modern war, for the syndicalist declares that a state of war exists. Yet he does not draw the corollary that every one with such a purpose and using such means should expect to be shot as an enemy spy. The syndicalist's economic ideal of the future state is somewhat vague, but it is one of commun ism, in which the instruments of production in each trade would be controlled by the unionized workers. After a rev olution attained by sabotage and bloodshed, men would dwell together peacefully without restraint of any government, ruled only by sweet reasonableness.
Syndicalism has been most influential in France and Italy among the less skilled workers, but in Europe appears to have lost of late somewhat both in its intellectual and in its popu lar following. In America it appears as the I. W. W. (Inter national Workers of the World) in some cities, but chiefly among the migratory workers in mines, lumber camps, and agriculture in the Middle and Far West.
§ 13. "Opportunism" in socialist party tactics. While many winds of doctrine have been blowing over socialistic philosophy, the practical programs of the party have veered in various directions. Whenever the party gained any success at the polls, the socialists in public office and the party leaders found it necessary to "do something" imme diately. The rank and file might be willing to talk of the mil lennium, but preferred to take it in instalments instead of waiting for it to come some centuries after they were dead. And so the socialist party, as fast as it gained any practical power, became "opportunist" and worked for moderate prac tical reforms. The leaders did this with many misgivings lest the masses might become so reeonciled to the present order that they would refuse to rise in revolt. In that case the revolution never could happen (although it was inevitable).