KOSSUTH, LAJOS (Louis) (1802-1894), Hungarian poli. tician, was born at Monok, Zemplin, on Sept. 19, 1802, of a magyarized Slovak family of the poorer Hungarian nobility. His father was an advocate, and Kossuth, after studying at Sarospatak and Budapest, began his career practising with his father. Pres ently he moved to Pest, and was appointed by Count Hunyady to be his deputy at the National Diet in Pressburg (1825-27, and again in 1832). His letters to his patron (since as deputy he had no vote) were so excellent that they were circulated in ms. among the Liberal magnates, and soon developed into an organized parliamentary gazette (Orszagyulesi tudositasok), of which he was editor. At once his name and influence spread in spite of the efforts of the censorship to prevent circulation of the letters. In 1836 the diet was dissolved. Kossuth continued the agitation by reporting in letter form the debates of the county assemblies. In May 1837, Kossuth with Weszelenyi and several others, were arrested on a charge of high treason. After spending a year in prison at Of en, he was tried and condemned to four more years' imprisonment. His arrest had caused great indignation. The Diet of 1839 supported the agitation for the release of the prisoners, and refused to pass any government measures ; Metter nich long remained obdurate, but the danger of war in 184o obliged him to give way. Immediately after his release Kossuth married Teresa Meszleny, a Catholic. It was the refusal of the Roman priests to bless their union that first prompted Kossuth to take up the defence of mixed marriages.
He had now become a popular leader, and as soon as his health was restored was appointed (Jan. 1841) editor of the Pesti Hirlap, the newly founded organ of the party, which had an unprecedented success. Szechenyi's warning that by his appeal to the passions of the people he was leading the nation to revolution was neglected. Kossuth, indeed, was not content with advocating those reforms—the abolition of entail, the abolition of feudal burdens, taxation of the nobles—which were demanded by all the Liberals. He attacked Austria violently, and fostered Magyar chauvinism by his contemptuous denial of the rights of Hungary's Slavoni,, inhabitants. At last, in 1844, the government succeeded in breaking his connection with the paper. He then applied for permission to start a paper of his own. In a personal interview Metternich offered to take him into the government service. The offer was refused, and for three years he was without a regular position. He continued the agitation with the object of attaining both the political and commercial independence of Hungary. In the autumn of 1847, supported by the influence of Louis Batthy any, he was elected member for Budapest in the new diet, and at once became chief leader of the Extreme Liberals. The wiser
heads distrusted his ambition and egoism, but his impassioned eloquence secured him immense influence.
On March 3, 1848, as soon as the news of the revolution in Paris arrived, in a speech of surpassing power he demanded parliamentary government for Hungary and constitutional gov ernment for the rest of Austria, appealing to "our beloved Arch duke Francis Joseph," to perpetuate the ancient glory of the dynasty by meeting half-way the aspirations of a free people. He at once became the leader of the European revolution; his speech was read aloud in the streets of Vienna to the crowd by which Metternich was overthrown (March 13). Batthyany, who formed the first responsible ministry, could not refuse to admit Kossuth, but gave him the inoffensive post of ministry of finance. Kossuth, however, was irrepressible. He established a separate Hungarian coinage—as always, using every means to increase the national self-consciousness, and it was characteristic that on the new Hungarian notes which he issued his own name was the most prominent inscription. On July 3 he began to issue his own organ, the Kossuth Hirlapia. On July 11, as the danger of intervention from Austria and Croatia increased, Kossuth demanded that the nation arise in self-defence. When Jellachic (q.v.) advanced on Budapest, Kossuth went from town to town rousing the people to the defence of the country, and the popular force of the Honved was his creation. When Batthyany resigned (Sept. 1 1) he was appointed with Szemere to carry on the government provisionally, and at the end of September he was made President of the Com mittee of National Defence. From this time he was in fact, if not in name, dictator, although his control over the Hungarian forces was imperfect, largely owing to personal friction between Kossuth and the commanders. His energy and spirit were, however, daunt less, even after the new Emperor, Francis Joseph, had revoked his predecessor's concessions and proclaimed Kossuth a traitor. When Windischgratz advanced into Hungary (Dec. 15), Kossuth and the diet retired to Debrecsen, taking with them the holy regalia of St. Stephen. The spring brought success to the Hungarian arms, and on April 19, 1849, Kossuth issued his famous declara tion of independence, declaring that "the house of Habsburg Lorraine, perjured in the sight of God and man, had forfeited the Hungarian throne." Kossuth himself was now elected dic tator; but this extreme step by no means commanded universal assent in Hungary where he was widely accused of aiming at the throne as well as ruining his country by precipitating the Russian intervention. On Aug. ir Kossuth abdicated in favour of Gorgei, on the ground that in the last extremity the general alone could save the nation. Two days later Gorgei capitulated at Vilagos.