Only 25 years separated the beginning of the revolutionary era from his fall. A quarter of a century, however crowded with events, is a short space of time. What had happened? In the part of its programme which included republican government, and "nat ural frontiers," the Revolution had doubly failed : first, when to save itself it had had recourse after the i8th Brumaire to a dictator ship, to absolute sovereignty, to the empire ; and again when after incessant fighting for "natural frontiers," the empire had ended by laying France itself open to invasion. Conditions which the Revolution would never accept even though the refusal involved a military despotism, were now imposed. France was obliged to return to her former boundaries, and this involved the restoration of the Bourbons. It was the only possible solution, and there were few in 1814 who did not accept it. Talleyrand, who was far from being a legitimist, played a principal part in the restoration, simply because he realized that it was the only solution. Any government, whether republican or imperial, which sprang from the revolution, was doomed to war, and France had already waged war to the limit of her strength. The monarchy alone could assume the heavy responsibility of concluding peace on the terms offered. Hence when the French had forgotten the disasters and the despotism of the empire arose the reproach that the Bourbons had "returned in the baggage waggons of the enemy." The return of Louis XVIII. was accompanied by the grant of the "Charter," and representative government. He did not restore the institutions of pre-revolutionary France, but on the contrary, retained those of Napoleon, of the year VIII., even confirming the greater number of his prefects in their office. It remained to make peace in Europe. Louis XVIII. and Talleyrand, making use of the jealousies which had arisen among the allies, sought to make the general settlement as favourable as possible to France. The Congress of Vienna was still sitting when, early in March 1815, the news came "like a bombshell" that "Bonaparte" had escaped from Elba. It had all to be done over again.
There are few examples in history of such sentimental and passionate episodes as the return from Elba. Though the good sense of the French protested against the adventure, it caught at their hearts. Napoleon brought with him so many memories, and with them the tricolor. The daring of his landing in France recalled the return from Egypt. He had only to appear, and almost all France rushed to support him. Yet moderate men realized that the emperor's new adventure was all but hopeless, and would end in a catastrophe even worse than that of 1814. Liberals regretted the loss of the "Charter." France was sick of war, and the abolition of conscription had been the most insistent demand made on the Bourbons. Napoleon maintained that he had been recalled by the people, universally dissatigted with the restored monarchy. There was, of course, unavoidable friction between the old émigré society and the new. There were in particular soldiers who had held out alone in Germany, Holland and Italy, and had not returned to France till after the convention of April 23. These had not witnessed the invasion, and felt that the fall of the emperor had been undeserved. There was also to be reckoned with, the discontent of the officers who had been placed on half pay.
None of this was really serious, however. Only the presence of
Napoleon himself, escaped from his island prison, could have brought about the flood of popular feeling by which he re-con quered France in three weeks. He had only to appear and all was forgotten, the disasters of yesterday and those which his return implied, the slaughter which had brought curses on his name, the detested conscription. Officers and men rallied round him. He had not lost his power of appealing to them, and he stirred their hearts by memories of past glory. After the first moments of hesitation the detachments first sent against him declared for him. Grenoble, then Lyons opened its gates. Marshal Ney, who had undertaken to apprehend him and to bring him back if necessary in a cage, wavered, was carried away, and fell into his arms.
The Hundred Days.—Having landed in the gulf of Juan with a handful of men on March 1, 1815, he was at the Tuileries on the 20th, and Louis XVIII. had fled to Ghent.
A hundred days : the adventure lasted no longer, and was doomed from the outset. Three months' madness. To understand why Napoleon, who, ten months before, had been deserted and denied by all, became the master of France in three weeks in a rush of passionate enthusiasm, we must take into account the change in himself, and the new role which he played in opposition to the Bourbons. He was not only a military genius. He was a supremely able politician, and his talents had been perfected during the revolution. He now awoke its memory, talking to the soldiers of glory and to the people of peace and liberty. The former despotic emperor returned a demagogue. Two things menaced him. There was first the fear that the allies would again take up arms, but that he assured the people would be prevented by his father-in-law, the emperor of Austria. Then there was his own despotism. But he told the peasants that they were threatened with the revival of tithes, seigniorial privileges and rights. "I come," he said, "to free you from bondage and serfdom." He who had restored the rights of the Church, and founded a new nobility now incited the mob against the nobles and the priests. To the Liberals he promised representative government, the freedom of the press, everything which Louis XVIII. had already granted, but with a new revolutionary tinge. The idea of a liberal Napoleon conformable with the principles of the Revolution, remained in men's minds. From it dates that alliance of the Bonapartists with the Liberals which disturbed the restoration and the reign of Louis Philippe, and paved the way to the era of Napoleon III.
Abroad the consequences of the return from Elba were no less grave. The allies at Vienna learned the news on March 13. They immediately declared the emperor an outlaw. The pact of Chau mont was renewed. Resumption of the war was certain, and new disasters probable for France. Talleyrand, the French representa tive at the Congress, was in a cruel position. Foreseeing the event, he associated himself with the allies in order at least to keep the conditions of the Treaty of Paris, and to prevent the next treaty from being made even more severe. It was easy after wards to pillory this prudent decision, and to assert that the Bour bons had joined with the enemies of the French people. When those who had compromised themselves in the Hundred Days sought for an excuse, they used this treacherous argument.