from mother) indicates either inconsistency or inaccurate report ing.' The Tupi generic terms exist for aunt and uncle (aixe and tutyra), but the father term is said to be applicable to all the father's male kin. In short, there is a mingling of lineal and merging features.' More consistently, the Sipibo separate the father, papa, from both the father's brother, eppa, and the ma ternal uncle, coca, and similarly segregate the mother from the maternal as well as the paternal aunt (tita, huasta, yaya, respec tively; it is not clear to what extent the matter is complicated by the use of separate words by men and women). The Araucanian terminology is in part bifurcate collateral : the father, chao, is dis tinguished from his brother, malle and his brother-in-law, huecu; while the mother's sister is designated by a derivative from the mother term.' It cannot be denied that there are nomenclatures of the usual "classificatory" type. According to Ruiz de Montoya (164o), the Guarani was of this order.' Nevertheless, the South American tendency toward collateral or lineal usage cannot be ignored.
In Asia the wide distribution of status terms expressive of relative seniority is noteworthy, differences of generation being sometimes disregarded, while again the relative seniority of relatives other than those immediately concerned may be signifi cant. The system of the Turkic Yakut of northern Siberia illus trates some of the relevant complications. Radically of the bifur cate merging type, it groups together as agas the elder sister and all older women in the speaker's clan, those younger being designated as babys, and the words for elder brother are similarly extended. But the seniority idea overrides the generation principle when ini designates not only younger brother or cousin within the clan, but also, the father's younger brother and his son; or when ogom is applied indifferently to a child, a grandchild, and even to younger people without reference to relationship. Again, while the father's elder brother is called by a derivative from the father term, this same word is extended by the seniority principle to the mother's father; and while tay marks off the maternal from the paternal uncles, the mother's sisters are called according to their age with reference to the mother, tay agas and tay babys. Thus, since the mother is yd, there is in so far forth bifurcation without merging.' When the two parental lines are discriminated and the parents' siblings are set off from the parents by mere modifiers of the primary "parent" stem, it seems legitimate to speak of a basically bifurcate merging system. The primitive Sinitic languages in part present this phenomenon and suggest that the proto-Chinese sys tem may have conformed to this model. Its present form is puz zling. Morgan vacillated between calling it Malayan or Turanian, i.e., a generation or a bifurcate merging system. If we stress the specialization of, say, uncles by modifiers rather than the use of a common primary stem, it would be recognized as collateral; otherwise it might rank as a generation system. Some traits how ever, such as the classing of brother's sons by males indicate bifurcation. It is evident that emphasis on status and seniority would cause a drift from the bifurcate merging toward the gen eration pattern. Of the primitive members of the Sinitic stock, the Sema, Ao, Angami and Lhota fall rather clearly under the bifurcate merging division, some of them definitely presenting the Omaha variety. Thus, Lhota omo, Sema angu, Chongli Ao okhu mean the maternal uncle and his son; Sema atikes/iiu, Lhota orrho, and Chongli anok refer to the sister's son and the father's sister's son in male speech.
SW. E. Roth, An Introductory Study of the Arts, Crafts and Cus toms of the Guiana Indians (38th Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.; 1924, P. 674). Th. Koch-Griinberg, Aruak-Sprachen Nordwestbrasiliens u. der angrenzenden Gebiete, Mitteill der Anthrop. Gesell. in Wien, 1911, 41:83 sq.
'C. F. Th. von Martius, Beitriige zur Ethnographic u. Sprachenkunde Amerikas, zumal Brasiliens, Leipzig, 1876, 1:353.
'Otto Burger, Acht Lehr- and Wanderjahre in Chile, Leipzig, 1909, 86.
'S. A. Lafone Quevedo, Los terminos de parentesco en la organiza (joy' social sud-americana, Revista de la Univ. de Buenos Aires, 1917,
37:32 sq.
A. Czaplicka, Aboriginal Siberia, 1914, p. 59.
The complete lack of certain kinship terms in some Assamese tribes is remarkable; in Angami, for example, parallel cousins can be designated only by their personal names. The Chinese may combine such names with the specific kinship terms.' Typical nomenclatures of the bifurcate merging type occur among the peoples of Southern India (including the Toda) and the Vedda of Ceylon. Here, and in other tribes of the area show ing this pattern in obscured form, the terminology is affected by cross-cousin marriage. Since a Kachin seeks to marry the daughter of his maternal uncle, he calls his father-in-law and his mother's brother alike tsa; while in Mikir the sister's son and the son-in-law are both a man's osa, and the wife's brother is his ong-so or "little maternal uncle," in other words, his maternal uncle's The two Negrito tribes of Southern Asia differ radically inas much as in address the Semang of the Malay Peninsula avoid personal names, while the Andamanese use them exclusively. They resemble each other in stressing status in their nomencla ture. Indeed, it seems doubtful whether the Andamanese have any true kinship terms. Though a parent may be individualized by prefixing the personal pronoun to an appropriate noun, this by itself expresses no bond of consanguinity but simply the status of being some one's parent. Correspondingly, other words denote relative seniority in varying degrees : mama extends to all con siderably older persons such as grandparents and parents-in-law. The Andamanese nomenclature lacks bifurcation completely and might be treated as a variety of the generation system; this fea ture, linked with the vocative use of names, suggests affiliation with Polynesia, where however, generation terms are limited to actual kin. The Semang system is not so well known, but bifurca tion seems undeveloped. From ai, father, designations for either parent's elder and younger brother are formed by the addition of age-suffixes ; the word for mother with the appropriate suffix means either parent's elder sister, while a new stem designates a younger sister of father or mother. We shall not go far wrong in assign ing this system also to the generation In western Asia, the Semitic tribes have been treated as typical of the "descriptive" pattern. As has been shown, the descriptive technique is wholly consistent with a "classificatory" meaning. The Arabic terminology is on the face of it bifurcate collateral. It is partly shaped by the custom of parallel-cousin marriage, so that father's brother and father-in-law are identified in fact and in masculine speech. The absence of a common word for pa ternal uncle in Semitic languages has suggested the hypothesis, as yet awaiting confirmation, that the proto-Semitic system was of the merging Lineal systems occur in northeastern Siberia among the Koryak and Chukchee, where clans are lacking. Both tribes distinguish younger and elder siblings, and the Chukchee have even a sepa rate term for "middle" brother. The Yukaghir terminology pres ents disparate features. In a sense, the parents are individualized, the children are set off from nepotic kin, and the distinction be tween paternal and maternal uncles indicates a bifurcate collateral system. However, some of the uncle-aunt words are etymological derivatives from the parent terms, suggesting a merging principle. In addition, the seniority principle of the Yakut order plays a large part, putting both grandmothers in the same class with the father's elder sister, both grandfathers with the elder brother. The technique is sometimes denotative, sometimes descriptive. It is plausible to regard this medley as at least partly the result of 'Ching-Chao Wu, "The Chinese Family: Organization, Names and Kinship Terms," Amer. Anthrop., 1927, 316 sq. L. H. Morgan, Sys tems, 423 sq. F. W. Bailer, A Mandarin Primer, 1911, 369. J. H. Hutton, The Angami Nagas, 1921, 132 ; id., The Sema Nagas, 1921, 138, 382. J. P. Mills, The Lhota Nagas, 1922, 93; id., The Ao Nagas, 2926, 164.