are separated from siblings. Some of the languages display an amazing paucity of primary stems, lacking even distinct vocables for siblings. Thus, in Ewe "brother" is designated by the descrip tive compound "mother's-child-male," and the Edo construct de scriptive compounds for "brother" according to whether he is fellow-child through the father or the mother. However, the bifurcate merging principle is by no means eliminated since even in Edo the paternal uncle is frequently classed with the father in address. Nor are typical systems on the bifurcate merging plan lacking. The Susu nomenclature conforms to the Iroquois stand ard, and this essentially holds for the Ashanti also. Here, however, cross-cousin marriage in some measure has affected classification and the rather extensive use of reciprocal terms partly breaks down the barriers between generations. Thus, ase means spouse's parent or child's spouse ; nana is applied to the grandparent and his sibling or to the grandchild and the sibling's grandchild. Some relatives may be designated descriptively, but this does not inter fere with the "classificatory" use of the phrase. For example, the father's brother's child is called either "brother" or "father's child" without any individualization of meaning in either case.' Finally, the Lango terminology is of the bifurcate merging type, the partial use of the descriptive technique being once more con sistent with "classificatory" meanings. A noteworthy feature is the anomolous designation of cousins. The maternal uncle's son and daughter are designated by descriptive compounds; a dis tinct stem, with varying vocalic sex-prefix (okeo, akeo), is applied to the paternal aunt's children; another stem, similarly varied, denotes the mother's sister's son and daughter; while the father's brother's children are treated as siblings. Thus, neither the two
kinds of cross-cousins nor the two kinds of parallel cousins are grouped together. The classification of the father's sister's chil dren with the sister's children exhibits an element of the Omaha variety, while other deviations from the generation principle can be derived from rules of widow-inheritance. The occasional designation of a father's sister's son as father is contingent on in heritance of a maternal uncle's widow, making her children the heir's step-children. The Lango nomenclature has been partly shaped by loans from Hamitic neighbours, which have been engrafted on the old Nilotic nomenclature.' Morgan based his "Malayan" type on Polynesian terminologies.
For the Malay branch of the. Malayo-Polynesian family he had a single incomplete report from Borneo, which seemed, however, to conform to the Hawaiian norm. There is still great dearth of material for this area. In the Philippines, bifurcation is generally lacking and approximation to the generation system frequently results. But even there the Tinguian, Professor Fay-Cooper Cole states, distinguish uncles and aunts from parents, i,e,, fall into the lineal category. This is at least partly true of some "Pagan" sys tems from Borneo, where aunt and mother are indeed merged, but where the father is distinguished from uncles generally. The im portance some Malayans attach to status is probably significant; where a parent is addressed teknonymously and a grandfather re ceives an appropriate title, people are on the high-road to stratify ing society in terms of generation. However, the Mentawei islanders, representative of archaic Malayan culture, radically differ from the Polynesians in not using personal names in address. They exhibit conflicting tendencies toward a generation, a bifurcate merging, and a bifurcate collateral system : while "ina" is the term of address for mother and father's sister alike, the latter has a separate term in non-vocative use; the maternal uncle is distinguished from the paternal, and the latter is distinguished from the father except 'N. W. Thomas, Anthropological Report on Sierra Leone, I: Law and Customs of the Timne and other Tribes, 1916, 103 sq.; id., Anthro pological Report on the Edo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria, I., 191o, 112 Sq. R. S. Rattray, Ashanti, 1923, 24 sq.