Nevertheless, Beneg succeeded in introducing enough harmony into the committee to allow Rolin-Jaequemyns to present his report. It was under these conditions that the work of the Arbitration and Security Committee was presented to the 9th Assembly of the League of Nations, which met at Geneva in the month of Sept. 1928.
Is its origin understood? In April 1927, Briand, in a message addressed to the American people on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the entry of the United States into the World War, had proposed to the Washington Government to subscribe publicly with the United States, to a mutual undertaking whose aim was to "outlaw war"—according to the American expression— between the two countries. Mr. Kellogg, secretary of State, wel comed this suggestion favourably, but it seemed to him that the pact would have more authority if, instead of being concluded only between the United States and France, it bore the signatures of all the Great Powers. There was an exchange of correspondence on the subject between Kellogg and Briand and especially about the fact that the French minister employed the term "war of aggression," and by that desired to reserve the right of legitimate defence, whilst the American secretary of State preferred to speak of war simply and generally. On April 13, 1928, the Gov ernment of the United States communicated its scheme to Great Britain, Germany, Italy and Japan, and on the 39th of the same month the French Government transmitted its own. It was agreed that the projected pact, if it were realized, should not in any way restrict the right of legitimate defence, that it one of the signatories were to violate the undertakings, all the others should be released from theirs with regard to that signatory, and that the respect of obligations under the Covenant of the League and the Treaty of Locarno should remain the fundamental law of the States which had signed these diplomatic documents. Finally, Sir Austen Chamberlain, on May 19, was careful to make a reservation—which the Government that makes the Mon roe Doctrine a cardinal point of its foreign policy could not reject. He drew attention to the fact that there exist certain parts of the world whose welfare and safety present a special and vital interest for the British empire, and that no outside intervention whatsoever could be tolerated.
On Aug. 27, 1928, the general Pact renouncing war was signed in Paris. As Briand, who presided at the signing, pointed out, this pact was lacking in sanctions. In that, it complied with the wish of the American Government to reserve in every case the liberty of its decisions, but it was none the less the recognition of the interdependence of nations upon each other, and at a time when public opinion rules the world, it constituted a moral and preventive sanction against Governments who might tend towards a wish to resort to force.
The discussions which took place showed how fortunate it was that the Powers had reached agreement some days previously when signing the Pact renouncing war. The questions of disarma ment and security occupied an important place in the deliberations and one felt this time that the hour of idealism had passed. No longer was that sort of sentimentality displayed which in the early sessions of the Assembly coloured the language of the dele gates in an attempt at union more apparent than real. Perhaps one must attribute this to the presence of the German delegates. The Chancellor, Herr Muller, who replaced Herr Stresemann, requested that everyone should make a great effort for sincerity. Briand did not fail to reply to this suggestion, and drew attention pointedly to the disturbing possibilities concealed by German military organization.
Beneg presented to the Assembly the conclusions of the afore mentioned Arbitration and Security Committee. They encoun tered on the part of the German, Hungarian and Austrian dele gates an opposition which showed the persistence of the unity between these erstwhile allies. The projected treaties of non aggression and mutual assistance were voted with insignificant amendments, in spite of the criticism which they raised, notably on the part of Poland, who on account of the insufficiency of the guarantees which she discovered in them would only consider the insufficiency of her actual armaments. At last, Paul-Boncour, with the support of Politis, pointed out that the Committee of Security had only accomplished one part of its task. It was there fore decided that this committee as well as the Preparatory Commission should proceed with their work in such a way as to allow a progressive reduction of armaments in proportion to the development of the conditions of security. This is a decision not to be overlooked, at a time when the Council of the League of Nations tends more and more to bring into political disputes the intervention of the technical organizations of the League.
Such is the actual state of the question of security. It is plain that whatever efforts the League of Nations may make for en suring the benefits of peace to the world, nations can only enjoy it if they bring equal goodwill into their relations with each other. We must condemn the passion with which certain people in all countries try to excite distrust in public opinion and suspicion of the purest intentions. (J. CN.)