COUNCIL OF WORKINGMEN AND SOLDIERS, more generally known by its Russian name, the Soviet, a word signi fying "Council." A Council of Work ingmen was first organized in Moscow, in 1905, by the Russian revolutionists, with Leon Trotzky as its chief execu tive. It participated to a leading extent in the revolutionary disorders which took place in Moscow at that time, but was dissolved with the suppression of the revolutionary movement by the Rus sian authorities. In March, 1917, a council of Workingmen's Delegates was again organized in Petrograd, this time not for the purpose of creating a revo lution, but to meet revolutionary condi tions created by the Premier, Protopo pov.
The term "Soviet" has been uni versally associated with the Russian Bolsheviki, or Communists, but this is distinctly erroneous. The relation is closely parallel to the relation between the Constitution of the United States and the political party which happens to be in power. The Russian Govern ment, or a number of its higher officials, desired to make a separate peace with Germany, in the early part of 1917. To create a pretext, they deliberately set about creating those abnormal economic conditions which they hoped would lead to disorders in the capital. Conscious of this move, the radicals and liberals were strongly opposed to any revolu tionary activities at that time, wishing, as they did, to bring the war against Germany to a successful conclusion. Nevertheless, the autocracy continued in its irritative tactics. Realizing the in evitable crisis, and to prevent general disorder, the liberals, through the Duma, where they were in a majority, organ ized a Supreme Committee to take over the reins of government. The radical elements, and especially the labor or ganizations, feeling that they would not be fully represented by this body, at the same time took steps to form their Coun cil of Workingmen's Delegates. This was actually accomplished in the night of March 11, 1917, when public disorder was already in full swing and the police had already begun firing on the assem bled populace.
For months after these two bodies co operated amicably in exercising the real power of the Provisional Government, both alike being in favor of maintaining order at home while the war was prose cuted against the enemy outside. A few weeks after the formation of the Council its name was changed to the Council of Workingmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, since the delegates from the military organizations at the front were allowed to participate in the deliberations of the body in increasing numbers.
During the early part of the regime of the Provisional Revolutionary Govern ment the moderate Socialists were in control of the Council by a large ma jority, their representative, Alexander Kerensky, becoming Premier and War Minister. On Sept. 10, 1917, an effort was made to establish a military dicta torship by the Cossack commander-in chief, General Kornilov, who sought to eliminate the Kerensky civil government.
The effort failed, largely through the efforts of Kerensky, but the effect was to create a Bolshevist majority in the Soviet, the Bolsheviki, or extreme radi cals, being in favor of terminating the dual character of the administration and establishing the Soviet in supreme authority. This swing to the extreme left continued with increasing strength, as delegates from the military organi zations at the front arrived, and a month later the Bolshevist majority was able to overthrow the Provisional Government and establish what became generally known as the Soviet Govern ment.
The Council, or Soviet, was intended by its founders to be something much more than a temporary measure for maintaining working-class organization during a critical revolutionary period. It embodies what they consider a rad ically new principle in government. Many of the Soviet organizers have stated that they were primarily in spired by the old town meeting system of our New England States, under which the people gathered periodically in meeting and directly initiated legisla tion. Based on this free democracy, the Soviet, however, instead of being based on geographical representation, insists on representation by occupation. Thus, in a large city the school teachers have a council of their own, quite separate and distinct from the council of the men engaged in building, or of the trans portation workers. Thus, locally, the Soviets have a strong resemblance to trade unions. But in federation they lose this trade character, for the federa tions, which are formed on a geogra phical basis, consist of a union of all the soviets within their territories. Thus it is only locally that the Soviet has an educational aspect. It elects delegates to the regional federation, who represent their constituents as workers in a special trade or profession, rather than as citizens. Before the ascendancy of the Bolsheviki the Soviet was open to all citizens above voting age, including women, but after they came into power the Communists restricted suffrage to what they called the proletariat, persons living from the proceeds of their labor and not employing others as workers.
In 1920 the Soviet system of govern ment was still in full power over the greater part of Russia. There has been much criticism of its efficiency by radi cal observers, themselves in favor of a Socialist system of government. So far removed is the local Soviet from the authority exercised by the National Executive Committee in Moscow, chosen by a quarterly All-Russian Congress of Soviets, that it exercises almost no con trol over its actions. This is said to be due to the many relays of delegates which are finally represented at the Con gress. The local soviets send delegates to a regional soviet, which in turn sends delegates to a provincial soviet, where the delegates to the Congress are elected. By this time the popular character of the representatives is almost completely lost. See RUSSIA.