The causes of summons declared do not make it necessary for parliament to consider them only, or to proceed at once to the consideration of any of them. Af ter the speech, any business may be com menced ; and both Houses, in order to prove their right to act without reference to any authority but their own, invariably read a bill a first time pro formd before they take the speech into consideration. Other business is also done very fre quently at the same time. New writs are issued for places which have become vacant during the recess, returns are or dered, and even addresses are presented on matters unconnected with the speech. In 1840 a question of privilege, arising out of the action of Stockdale against the printers of the house, was entertained before any notice was taken of her Ma jesty's speech.
Prorogation and ment can only commence its deliberations at the time appointed by the king ; nei ther can it continue them auy longer than he pleases. He may prorogue parliament by having his command signified in his presence by the lord chancellor or speaker of the House of Lords to both houses, or by writ under the great seal, or by commission. The effect of a pro rogation is at once to suspend all busi ness until parliament may be summoned again. Not only are the sittings of par liament at an end, but all proceedinfot pending at the time, except impeach ments by the commons, are quashed. A bill must be renewed after a prorogation, as if it had never been introduced, though the prorogation be for no more than a day. William III. prorogued parliament from the 21st October, 1689, to the 23rd, in order to renew the Bill of Rights, con cerning which a difference had arisen between the two houses that was fatal to it. It being a rule that a bill cannot be passed in either house twice in the same session, a prorogation has been resorted to, in other cases, to enable a second bill to be brought in.
Adjournment is solely in the power of each house respectively. It has not been uncommon indeed for the king's pleasure to be signified, by message or proclama tion, that both houses should adjourn. Either of them however may decline complying with what can be considered as no more than a request. Business has frequently been transacted after the king's desire has been made known, and the question for adjournment put in the ordi nary mariner.
Dissolution.—The king may also put an end to the existence of parliament by a dissolution. He is not however entirely free to define the duration of a parlia ment, for after seven years it ceases to exist under the statute of George I., com monly known as the Septennial Act. Be fore the Triennial Act, 6 Wm. and Mary, there was no limit to the continuance of a parliament, except the will of the king. Parliament is dissolved by proclamation, after having been prorogued to a certain day. This practice, according to Hatsell,
" which has now been uniform for above a century, has probably arisen from those motives that are suggested by Charles I., in his speech in 1628, "that it should be a general maxim with kings themselves only to execute pleasing things, and to avoid appearing personally in matters that may seem harsh and disagreeable." In addition to these several powers of calling a parliament, appointing its meet ing, directing the commencement of its proceedings, determining them for an in definite time by prorogation, and finally of dissolving it altogether, the crown has the creation of one entire branch of the legislature ; together with other parlia mentary powers, which will hereafter be noticed in treating of the functions of the two houses. But though the name of the king or reigning queen is used on all the occasions above mentioned, the determina tion when and how the prerogatives of the crown shall be employed depends on the cabinet, to whom the king intrusts the administration of the government. [CA BINET; KING.] The judicial functions of the lords, and their power to pass bills affecting the peerage, which the commons may not amend, are the only properties peculiar to them, apart from their personal privi leges.
Tazation.—The chief powers vested in the House of Commons are those of imposing taxes and voting money for the public service. Bills for these purposes can only originate in that house, and the lords may not make any alterations in them, except for the correction of clerical errors. On the opening of parliament, the king directs estimates to be laid be fore the house, but the amount may be varied by the commons at pleasure. Grants distinct from those proposed in the estimates cannot be made without the king's recommendation being signified. The commons will not allow the right of the lords to insert in a bill any pecuniary penalties or to alter the amount or appli cation of any penalty imposed by them selves ; but the rigid assertion of this rule was found to be attended with much in convenience, and a standing order was made in 1831, directing the Speaker in each case to report whether the object of the lords appears to be "to impose, vary, or take away any pecuniary charge or burthen on the subject," or " only to re late to the punishment of offences, and the house shall determine whether it may be expedient in such particular case to insist upon the exercise of their privi lege." In the present session (1846) also, the Commons have permitted certain railway bills to originate in the House of Lords, notwithstanding the rates and tolls which must necessarily be levied under their authority.