The King now perceived that his sole reliance must be on the army, since it was absolutely necessary to restore order and obedience before he could go on with his plans of reformation ; but the army, which had always been cha racterised by their extreme devotion to the Monarch, open ly declared that they would not fight against their fellow citizens. No alternative therefore remained for the King, but concession. Neckar was recalled ; the King himself returned from Versailles to Paris ; and was obliged to sub mit to the speech of M. Bailly, (who had been chosen mayor,) on delivering the keys'of the capital, in which he plainly told him, that the people had that day reconquered their king.
Louis had already signified his approbation of the plan of forming a national militia ; or in other words, an armed body, who would obey not hint, but the National Assem bly ; it had been accordingly formed, and the Marquis de la Fayette, whom we have already mentioned as having gone to fight in the cause of American independence, was appointed colonel : this appointment Louis deemed it pru dent to sanction. At this period the more obnoxious mem bers of the royal family, as well as several of the nobility, determined to leave France ; this they were induced to do, not merely from regard to their own safety, but because they hoped to influence foreign powers to support the roy al cause. Among these emigrants, the most celebrated were the Count D'Artois, the Prince of Conde, and the Marshal Broglio.
The King still pursued his plan of concession and con ciliation ; corn was brought into the capital, in order to re duce its price there ; and corporal punishment was abolish ed in the army. By these measures the tranquillity or Pa ris was preserved for a short time ; but the provinces were in a state of complete anarchy ; the peasantry rose, and de stroyed the churches and seats of the nobility with savage fury ; the more obnoxious of the nobles were seized and exposed to the most barbarous and lingering deaths.
The return of Neckar was celebrated at Paris with so much joy, that it was hoped his influence might restore tranquillity and obedience ; but he soon found that circum stances were radically and fatally changed during his ab sence; and his very first attempt to procure a general am nesty was defeated. Fresh commotions arose, and were marked by additional excesses and cruelties. At St Denis, Caen, and Strasburg, the conduct of the populace would have disgraced the most barbarous periods of the most bar barous nations that ever existed ; it was no longer the re formation of abuses, even by violent means, that they aim ed at ; but the gratification of the most diabolical passions. The revenge too, which they took, was, in most instances, cowardly in the extreme ; and extended even to those who had been their best friends and greatest benefactors, mere ly because they belonged to the class of the nobility, or be cause they endeavoured to bring them back to a sense of their duty and real welfare.
Had the members of the National Assembly been the enlightened advocates of liberty, and the true friends of their country, they would have exerted their influence, in the first place, and above all other considerations, to the repression of anarchy and the restoration of obedience, from the conviction, that whatever they might decree in their meetings respecting the political or civil privileges of the people, could not be enjoyed by them, till they wet e restored to a sense of their duties, and of the necessity as well as advantage of obedience and order. But the Assem bly, instead of endeavouring to repress the tumults which disgraced the capital and the provinces of France,—instead even of enacting laws which were applicable to the state of the country, and which might gradually have conduced, at once, to restore the privileges and liberties of the people, and to repress their licentiousness,—instead of acting in this sensible manner, they spent their time in discussing abstract propositions, which either were unintelligible, or could not possibly have any practical application to the ex isting state of the country. Had France been in perfect tranquillity, and every law been passed which was essential to preserve that tranquillity, and to secure the liberty of the subject, such discussions might have been excused, because they would have done little harm, and not have occupied time and abilities which had much more urgent demands upon them ; but when the machinery of the state was in complete disorder, and at the same time working with the most mischievous and fatal rapidity, it was absurd and criminal in the highest degree, to be discussing the principles on which it had been, or might be, constructed, instead of repairing its defects. Yet such was the conduct of the National Assembly. The abstract proposition of the rights of man, which, besides being abstract, and therefore improper for the discussion of the Assembly, was not very intelligible, occupied their time and attention at the very period when the smallest reflection, the most limited prac tical knowledge of mankind, might have convinced them, that the people of France could not be put in possession of their rights, with advantage to themselvc:;, or with safety to the community, while they continued so forgetful of their duties, as to give themselves up to anarchy, plunder, and murder.