The summer of 1808 exhibited to Europe and the world a new scene in the modern revolutionary tra-. gedy. France trampled upon Spain, and Spain strug. sled to resent the indignity, and make it recoil upon. its authors. A nation, and not merely a cabinet as heretofore, appeared to start up with an astonishing degree of unanimity, and in language unknown for ages, to assert her rights, which had been perfidious . ly violated. Her enemy and oppressor poured his myriads of disciplined ,veterans into her territory ;, but although generally successful in the fieldohesc, afforded a proof, by the tardiness of their advances, and the precautions which they observed, that there is a vast difference betwixt carrying on war against the cabinet of a country; assisted by its military es tablishment alone, and waging it w;th the opinions, the patriotism, the living principle, hearts, and souls of its inhabitants.
During the period which elapsed from the surren der of the French fleet at Cadiz to the Spaniards, in June 1803, and of Dupont's army to the Spanish troops under Castanos in July, and the publication of Don Pedro Cevallos' statement of what had taken place at Bayonne between Bonaparte and the family of Spain, Austria was preparing herself for some further attempts to recover her lost provinces, or, at least, to escape from the further demands of France, which seem to have been incessantly galling and un warrantable. The forces of France were now occu pied in Spain in considerable numbers. Prussia, though prostrate, must have felt her degradation, and sighed for release and vengeance. Russia, it was thought, could not always remain in a state of tmna tural and pernicious thraldom. Britain was making great exertions to annoy the enemy, and might per haps, by experience, become expert in availing her self of her immense resources by sea and land. Ger many was impatient under the French yoke, and so was Italy, Switzerland, A fairer pros pect never opened upon Austria for retrieving her recent 'losses, and recovering the military pre-emi nence which she had long maintained.
The fourth war with France, since 1792, there fore commenced. The Archduke Charles put him self at the head of the whole Austrian army, with more extensive powers than had been enjoyed by any commander since the days of Tilly and Wallenstein. He advanced into the heart of Bavaria. Bonaparte, who, on the first surmise of an Austrian war, had left Spain, and flown with his usual rapidity to the ar mies which stood nearest to the most formidable an tagonist, soon collected on the Danube the whole of his forces in Upper Germany ; and, after a series of bloody battles, compelled the archduke to take up a position in Bohemia, and the remainder of the Aus trian army to retire upon the hereditary states. Af ter a short campaign, unparalleled for the exertions made by both parties, as well as the obstinate valour 'displayed in every battle fought during its,conti nuance, the fatal approach of a Russian army, and a declaration from its master, " that he made common cause with his ally France;" obliged the archduke to •ecal his brother John from Italy, and to detach part of the main army into Poland and the North. These
steps led to the battle of Wagram, and to the armi stice and treaty which soon followed, and which have left the Austrian empire in its present state: Trieste with its territory, Fiume and the Croatian Littorale, part of Carinthia, almost all Carniola, a small part of Upper Austria, with Salzburg and Berchtolsgaden, and a very extensive tract in Galli . cia, were torn from Austria by this treaty. She is now totally excluded from the sea, and from direct communication with England, as well as all other countries excepting the conterminous states. Her trade must sutler considerably, and her manufactures `. will depend in a great measure upon the pleasure of her neighbours.
She is still indeed a power of high consideration, but she can no longer be deemed independent. As long as Russia and France join against the liberties of Europe, it will be in vain for Austria to attempt any resistance. Germany, although, if united, the only nation on the continent able to cope with France, cannot, in its present state, be expected to take part with Austria. The last mentioned has long been re garded by the rest of the empire with a jealous eye. This jealousy has not as yet been quite extinguished by the reverses which Austria has undergone du ring the long revolutionary wars, of which we have now attempted a rapid sketch. It still actuates the southern provinces, and that too with the same acri mony as it always did the cabinets of Dresden and Berlin.
The degraded state of the princes who at present divide Germany aniong-them, does not permit us to expect any'speedy change for the better. A popula tion of 36 millions, however, who speak the same language, uage and exceed the general mass of European nations in civilization and refinement, as well as in resources and military discipline, cannot always re main sunk in slavery to a foreign power. But whe ther that nation shall effect its own emancipation by the exertions of its princes and warriors, who may wish to re-establish the ancient order of things ; or -by a violent revolution, like that which wrought such wonders in France, renovate their political existence ; or by what other means it may be accomplished, it would be now hazardous to conjecture. The phi lanthropist, however, hopes, with fond enthusiasm, to see the blessings of freedom and independence conferred on so respectable a nation; and, amidst the present distractions and horrors in which they are in volved, anticipates, with pleasing emotions, the gran deur and happiness which they are destined to attain in some future and more fortunate age.