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In proportion as the enemies of the country laboured to separate the ties of connection between Britain and Ireland, the British government was anxious to draw them closer together, by uniting the two countries, not only under the same crown, but the same legislature. So sanguine was the British minister in his hopes of succeeding in this measure, though it was necessarily to be submitted to the Irish parliament, that he did not wait for the result of their deliberations, but submitted the plan to the parliament of both kingdoms in one day. On the day appointed in the House of Commons, for addressing his majesty on this subject, the measure met with considerable resistance. Mr Sheridan said, that he conceived it incumbent on ministers, before they proposed the discussion of the plan of the union, to offer some explanations with regard to the failure of the last solemn agreement between the two countries, which had been declared in 1782. The people of Ireland had, at that memorable period, declared their parliament independent. The British legislature acquiesced. What should the Irish now augur from our declared intention of innovation ? Not tranquillity, but disquietude ; not the suppression of treason, but its aggravation. To agitate any important question on Irish affairs, above all, to decide on so momentous a subject, would be to in sult the rights and dignity of their parliament. What ever were the merits of the plan, or how pure soever the intentions of its projectors, it would aid the pur poses of the enemy, by the very passions which its agi tation would excite. The concurrence of the Irish, (he added,) could not be hoped for but by stratagem, bribery, or coercion. To the period of the last final adjustment, the cruelty of Britain towards Ireland had been notorious. Would a country which had been in stilted for three centuries, when at last she had wrung her independence from our tardy justice at the end of 16 years, forget all her fears, and prejudices, and give up her independence ?—Would this be offered, if the free sense of the country were to be taken ? Was the parliament of England competent to decide for the par liament of Ireland ? Impossible. Every advantage of situation favoured the one ; the other was unfitted for governing or giving laws, by disadvantage of situation, and by dissimilar habits and temper. The Irish legis lature itself, Mr Sheridan contended, was incompetent to sacrifice itself, and transfer its power to the British parliament. Mr in answering the opponents of the union, argued, that if the incompetency of the Irish parliament to decree the union were admitted, it would invalidate all the acts of the British legislature since the union of England and Scotland. The gentlemen in op position, he observed, had for many years loudly com plained of the mismanagement of Irish affairs, had ex patiated on the deformity of its constitution, and lamented the miseries of its inhabitants. Would it not then be more prudent to apply a promising remedy at the pre sent time, than to risk the effects of a long delay, by which the evils of the country might be aggravated and embittered ? Those evils had a deep root, being involv ed in the prevailing character, manners, and habits of the people—in their want of knowledge—in the unequal state of property—in the separation of classes of the community—and in the rancour of religious differences. Catholic emancipation, and parliamentary reform, had been recommended as remedies ; but if the state of so ciety were such, that laws, however wise in themselves, would be ineffectual until the minds of the people were changed, what was the remedy ? A legislature sanding aloof from party connections, sufficiently removed from the influence of contending factions, to be influenced by neither, and so placed as to have no superstitious reverence for the names and prejudices of ancient fa milies, which had so long enjoyed a monopoly of power and property ; a monopoly which custom had sanctioned, and which recent necessity might justify. A legisla ture was wanted, which should neither give way to the haughty pretensions of a few, nor to the popular cla mours of the many. All this was wanted for Ireland. Where was it to be found ? In a country where the evils enumerated still exist ; or in this country. Where should that legislature deliberate ? No sooner was the proposal of the union unequivo cally known in Ireland, than the leading political cha racters of that country took the ranks in the controversy : the Earl of Clare at the head of the unionists ; Mr For ster at the head of the anti-unionists. Some of the latter party were dismissed from their official situations, for refusing their support to the British government on so important an occasion. The members of the Irish bar, by a large majority, published their resolution against the union. The city of Dublin distinguished itself in opposing it; almost all the incorporate bodies of the citizens followed the example.

The Irish parliament opened their debates on the grand question of the union, at the same time that it was submitted to the British legislature In the first debate, the address to his majesty in favour of the mea sure was carried by a majority of only one vote. In

the next debate, the anti-unionists gave an actual defeat to the ministry, by a majority of six votes. The popular exultation rose to the greatest height on this occasion, and the members of parliament who favoured the union, were generally insulted by the populace. But the de termined character of the British minister, was not to he checked by the opposition of Ireland. After a final debate upon the subject in the English House of Com mons, on the 26th of April, a conference was held with the Lords, and the sentiments of both houses were com municated to the throne in due form; but it was reserv ed for another session to obtain the assent of the par liament of the sister kingdom.

After the treaty of Campo Formio, negotiations had been conducted at Rastadt, for extending the peace, which had been signed only between the French and the king of Hungary and Bohemia, to the whole German empire ; but for some time these negotiations had been but a shadow. The capture of Ehrenbreitsten, by the French, put an end to a treaty insincere on both sides. After which, prince Charles, at the head of the Impe rialists, gave three successive defeats to the French under Jourdan,* and drove the republicans once more beyond the Rhine. The renewal of the war in Italy, was signalized by the accession of a Russian army, com manded by the far famed Suwarrow. This officer, being joined by an Austrian army, defeated General Moreau, near the Adda, and entered Milan in triumph. Several other important victories were gained by the allies, by which they recovered Turin, Alessandria, and Mantua. These events having encouraged the Neapolitans, they reduced tort St Elmo, with the assistance of the British seamen under Commodore Trowbridge, and effected a most sanguinary and vindictive counter-revolution in their capital. The people of Tuscany acted the same part, and Rome surrendered to the summons of the Bri tish commodore.

Suwarrow, after his victories in Italy, for which he was honoured with the title of Prince Italinzky, turned his arms into Switzerland ; but there he was arrested by the prevailing fortune of the French, or rather by the misconduct of his Austrian allies, who precipitately re tiring from the Rhine, left the Russians in danger of being enclosed between two armies, and necessitated their retreat.

The temporary success of the allies was, however, so important, that it was deemed expedient to make an at tempt to rescue the people of the United Provinces from the subjugation of the French. For this purpose, an army of 36,000 men was prepared, of which 17,000 were contributed by the Emperor Paul, on a stipulation of ample pecuniary compensation from the British govern ment. The Prince of Orange (whose son, the heredi tary Prince, received a command in the expedition) drew up an address, to be distributed among his people, exhorting them to return to their allegiance, and to give their aid to the Anglo-Russian army, which was sent to support his cause. About the end of August, a landing was made by the British army, and after an engage ment with a body of the French and Dutch, they took possession of the Helder fort, ith the magazine and shipping. Admiral Mitchel, who commanded the fleet in this expedition, entered the Texel unopposed, and captured the whole Dutch fleet, amounting to 12 ships, right of which were of the line, their crews re fusing to fight against the cause of the Prince of Orange.

On the lath of September, General Abercromby, waiting on the defensive till an expected reinforcement should arrive from England, was attacked by the Gallo Batavian army in three large divisions. They were re pulsed, however, at every point. Within a few clays of this well fought action, his Royal Highness the Duke of York arrived, to take the chief command of the army ; but though he was accompanied with a reinforcement from England, and a Russian army, the aspect of affairs grew immediately unfavourable. On the 19th of Sep tember, the allies proceeded to act on the offensive: they attacked the French and Batavian troops under General Brune, near the town of Bergen ; but though they brought off a number of prisoners, and some pieces of artillery, they were obliged to retire to their former position, with a large loss of men. To be stopt in such circumstances, was, in fact, to be defeated. Two other sanguinary actions took place, on the 2d and 6th of Oc tober, in which the Anglo-Russian army kept the field during both days, but experienced such resistance as effectually ruined their cause. The difficulties in ob taining provisions, also, daily increased, and the army of the enemy was obtaining fresh reinforcements. Over come by these obstacles, the Duke of York entered into a convention with General Brune, the French command er, by which the invading army were suffered to retire, on condition of eight thousand seamen, French and Ba tavian, at present prisoners in England, being restored to their respective countries.

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