Their army was composed emir( ly of mercenaries. Polybins (lib. i.) gives a most sensible and eloquent enumeration of the evils of this stem ; and the acute historian of the Itmnan republic remarks, '' That the Carthaginians were among- the few nations of the world, who had the ingenuity, or rather the misfortune, to make war without becoming military; and who could be suc cessful abroad, V. hile they were liable to become a prey to the meanest invader at home." I Iannibal stands almost a solitary example of a Carthaginian possessing superior knowledge in military science ; only a short time before, his countrymen had been compelled to have recourse to the Grecian skill and discipline.
Their marine was most deservedly celebrated. Poly bins (lib. vie) does not hesitate to prefer it to that of any other nation in the world. The extreme attention which was paid to it, may be inferred from the description of the naval arsenal which we have given above. There arc no un-. ns of ascertaining exactly the number of ships at any time actually fit for service ; probably the Cothon was capable of receiving their whole navy.
In commerce and navigation they were, beyond all question, unrivalled. Their mariners were perfectly acquainted with all the ports of the Mediterranean. To the East their discoveries were extended as far as any other nation, and to the West they seem to have pene trated farther than their rivals presumed to follow taeln. In addition to their own export of staple manufactures, utensils, naval stores, and the purple dye, t which is so celebrated, they appear to have possessed the carry ing trade of the world. Their skill in the management of commercial affairs is evinced by the account which lIero (lotus gives of their mode of barter with the Libyans, which was conducted with the greatest delicacy, and the most scrupulous honesty. (Herod. book iv.) The colonial system of the Carthaginians seems to have been conducted in complete subservience to their commercial advantages. The want of an outlet for inhabitants formed no part of the motives w Bich ir.duced them to enter so largely on this system. The colonies were hi most cases supported mei ely by a governor and a few followers. whom idleness, political discontents, or a love of change. tempted from the it native country. Carthage received the rude produce of Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, and exported in return its own manufactures, and those oriental commodities or Al Ilia it formed the natural entrerot. The colonies, after (I( fraying their own expellees, remitted the surplus revenue to Car thage, and their trade was confined exclushely to the mother count}. An acute writer of our own day, (Brougham, Colonial Policy), has remarked, that the history of this monopoly exactly rest mbhes that of the European nations w ho have colonised America. Polybius has preserved to us two treaties between Carthage and Rome, in which the progress of this monopolising spirit is distinctly to be traced. In the first, trading vessels have free access to all ports, both of the African con tinent and the colonies. By the second treaty, this privilege is confined to Carthage itself and to the ports of Sicily, but the Romans are absolutely debarred from Africa Propria and Sardinia, unless driven by stress of ht eather, in which case their stay is limited to five days. A singular clause is inserted, which bears a close analogy to the modern questions concerning goods con traband of war. " If any Roman shall receive water or stores from a Carthaginian port, or any part of the pro vincial territory of Carthage, he is bound not to turn them against the republic or her allies." Having thus noticed what is most important and peculiar relative to Carthage, its domestic policy, and external relations, we resume our summary view of its history :—premising, that of those circumstances which are not important, either in themselves or their conse quences, our sketch will be slight and rapid, in order that we may be enabled more fully to describe events of superior importance.
The site of the infant colony appears to have been admirably chosen, and the new city flourished so rapidly, that Jarbas, a native prince, was induced to make him self master of it. Ile desired that ten of the most noble Carthaginians should be sent to him as ambassadors ; to these he proposed himself as the suitor of Dido, and having induced them by threats and promises to enter into his views, he dismissed them. By an artifice they
procured from Dido a promise to comply with their wishes; but she, to avoid the fulfilment of the contract, and the imputation of slighting the memory of her first husband, Sichxus, devoted herself to a voluntary death. This is Justin's account, and it evidently differs not a little from that which Virgil has given us. Much dis cussion has been employed to reconcile these differences; and Sir Isaac Newton (Chronol. p. 65.) seems inclined to favour Virgil's statement, from the idea that he might have had access to the archives of Carthage ; and the arguments he brings forward, seem to render the state ment that Dido and JEneas were contemporaries, more probable than the learned in general are willing to allow. however, the reasoning is far from conclusive, and we shall be content in this, and in all other instances, to follow the chronology of Blair, who places the destruc t ion of Troy 408 years before the first Olympiad, (13. C. 1164,) while he brings the foundation of Carthage about 300 years later, (B.C. 869.) How long the monarchical form of government con tinued at Carthage, we have no means of ascertaining, nor are we acquainted with any of the circumstances which bcfcl the infant state. There is a chasm in the history of the Carthaginians of oo less than three hun dred years. Their progress in this interval could not have been slow ; for from the first notice we have of their existence as a people in the ancient historians, (Herod. in Clio. Thucyd. lib. i. p. 11.) we find them in alliance with the Tuscans, bringing forward a fleet of 120 sail. and combating with the Phocxans, who had in the island of Corsica, in their progress from Asia to the southern shores of France. (II. C. 5:39.) The Phocztans were victorious ; but Herodoms inti mates, that the victory was in the end greatly detrimen tal to their interests. At about this period, also, the Carthaginians, as Justin informs us, (lib. xxiii. c. 7.) engaged in war with the neighbouring African princes, in which they were victorious by the skill and bravery of their general, Maleus, or as Vossius would correct it, Malchus. Under the command of the same general, they made, for the first time, a descent on Sicily, and subjugated a great part of the island. This event sup plies a convincing proof, that they had now begun to be animated by that spirit of enterprise which afterwards rendered them so remarkable. Elated by their success in this instance, they proceeded to carry their victorious arms into Sardinia ; though it appears that at the same time they were agitated by domestic discussions, and wasted by a most destructive pestilence. The attempt, however, was unsuccessful, Malchus was defeated by the Sardinians, and lost nearly the half of his forces. The citizens, enraged at his failure, indignantly pronoun ced a sentence of banishment against the general and all the surviving soldiers. The army, in the first instance, were contented with remonstrating against the injustice of this proceeding; but finding these remonstrances in effectual, they embarked at once for Africa, advanced towards the city, and, having called the gods to witness that they were unwillingly driven to adopt these extreme measures, they held it closely invested. The senate and people now began to repent the folly and injustice of their proceedings, and were eager to come to an ac commodation. At this time Curtalo, the general's only son, happened to return from Tyre, whither he had been sent to convey a tenth part of the Sicilian spoils as an offering to the Tyrian Hercules. Him they made their mediator, and he proceeded on his mission, clad in his robes, as priest of Hercules. His father, after rebuk ing him for his vain pomp, and for his disobedience in refusing to join him in the first instance, ordered him to be crucified. The citizens, dismayed by this act of resolute severity, surrendered immediately, and gave themselves up to the conqueror's mercy. He contented himself with ordering for execution ten of the senators, by whose advice the late violent resolutions had been undertaken. Thus peace was restored ; but Malchus, soon after being suspected of aiming at the sovereign authority, was put to death.