The Carthaginian power was new rapidly increasing ; for I ferodotus informs us, (fib. iii.) that Cambyses, in the sixth year of his reign, was desirous of making an ex pedition against Carthage, but he was compelled to abandon his design, because the Phoenicians refused their co-operation, alleging in excuse, their intimate connection with the Carthaginian people. (Polyb. lib. iii.) In the first year after the expulsion of the kings, (B. C. 509.) the Carthaginians sent ambassadors to Rome, and concluded a treaty with that people. The objects of this treaty, as we have stated above, were purely com mercial ; and its regulations arc in the highest degree curious and important. It is preserved to us by Polybius, who professes to have copied it from an ancient docu ment existing in his time. The treaty appears to have for its object the entire exclusion of the Romans from any connection with the richer and more fertile parts or the Carthaginian territories, whilst it leaves open the colonies and the capital. The successor of Malchus in his influence and office was Magi:), the founder of that most powerful family from which sprang the illustrious fannibal. Justin (lib. xxx. c. 1.) has transmitted to us the most favourable character of him : under his auspices the affairs of Carthage flourished both at home and abroad, and its army was for the first time reduced to a state of discipline and subordination. His two sons, Hasdrubal and II amilcar, succeeded to his power in the state. Under these leaders, a war was begun with the Sardinians, probably with a view of confirming the Car thaginian power in that island, which appears to have been but imperfectly established ; however, they seem not to have made good their object ; for I Iztsdrubal was slain, and we have no account of the success of his forces. It must have been about this time (B. C. 495.) that Da rius I lystaspes sent that embassy to Carthage, of which we have before made mention. Its object was to reduce the Carthaginians to abstain front human sacrifices ; from the custom of eating dog's flesh ; and from the practice of entombing their dead. lfe added a request, that they would co-operate in the war he then meditated against Greece. It is in Justin only that we find an ac count of these various circumstances ; and he neglects to inform us on what pretext the Persian king thus ven tured to interfere in the domestic policy of an independent state. fie adds, that the Carthaginians were eager to comply with the former stipulations, as from the situa tion of their own affairs, they were compelled to decline taking any part in the war.
Some years afterwards, the Grecian colonies in Sicily, finding themselves harassed by the Carthaginians, appli ed for assistance to the Spartans, (Justin, lib. xix.) The application was fruitless ; nevertheless Gclo, who had (11. C. 491.) obtained the sovereignty in Syracuse, not only made resistance to their aggrandizement, but even extended his own dominions.
The embassy of Darius, mentioned above, seems to have produced some effect ; for, in the third year of his successor Xerxes, (B. C. 483.) we find (Herod. lib. vii. ; Diodorus, lib. xi.) an alliance offensive and defensive en tered into between the two states, in which it is stipulat ed, that the Carthaginians should invade Sicily with all their forces, at the same time that Xerxes proceeded, with all the strength of the Persian empire, to attack Greece itself.
In pursuance of these engagements, the Carthaginians made vast preparations for the war. Xerxes supplied them with immense sums of money ; yet the armament was so enormous, that three years elapsed before it was completely equipped. All things being at last in readi ness, they set sail with an army of 300,000 men, princi pally mercenaries, a fleet of more than two thousand ships of war, and three thousand transports. The com mander of this mighty force was (according to Justin,) the same Hamilcar, brother to flasdrubal, and son of Maga, of whom we have before spoken; hut Ilerodotus calls his father I lanno. The fleet was partially scattered
by a storm, and the commander's baggage was entirely lost; which the Carthaginians, with their characteristic superstition, considered as ominous of the misfortunes which ensued. They landed at Panormus, and after three days rest advanced to Ilimera. Hamilcar prose cuted the siege with great vigour ; lie was attacked in his trenches by the combined forces of the Sicilians, under Gelo and Theron ; the former of whom had lately usurped the supreme authority at Syracuse, the latter at Agrigentum. The battle was severely contested, but it ended in the. complete annihilation of the Carthaginian army. According to the statement of the historians, not less than one hundred and fifty thousand were killed, and the remainder umnpell, d to %wren& r . (•• I perished his noops. IIt tod,tu rite a i ry extraordinary account of the mann( r of I I describes hint, as i•inplo) ing hinise If din ; the af tio in heaping up human victims ; and %% u n he found th/ battle was irreeo% erably lost, he him f If rushed into tl midst of the flames. The loss of the Carthaginians teas not confined to their land fore' s, the Juror, gulf 1.1y made themselves masters of the fie( t ; tv. Lot) sl ips it hick hail been left afloat, set sail for Cal thage, were lost in the passage, so that only a single boat ..cap ed to tell the tiew s. It should be Asir% ed, that II( rodo tus (lib. vii.) gives another account of the cause of this war, which he said he received from the Sicilian wi iters of his time. This would represent the war as underta ken for the purpose of restoring one Tcrilltis, who had been ejected ft om Ilimera by Theron the tyrant of Agri gentum. This might perhaps have been one of the col lateral motives, hut it is surely in itself inadequate to account for the magnitude of the Carthaginian prepara tions.
Gelo conducted himself with great moderation ; he granted peace to the Carthaginians, on the very easy con ditions that they should pay. 2000 talents of silver towards the expellees of the war ; and secondly, that they should build two temples," in which the tablets containing the conditions of the treaty might be consecrated ; and third ly, that they should cease to offer human sacrifices.
\\Then the Carthaginians began to look abroad after this terrible overthrow, their attention was again attract ed towards Sicily. A dispute between the cities of Egista and Sclinus supplied them with a pretext. Hannibal, the grandson of Hamilcar, (Diodorus, lib. xiii.) who was at this time one of the Suffetes, had ascendency in their commonwealth, and under his command they again ha zarded all their force, upon the chances of a Sicilian campaign. Ile landed (B. C. 409,) neat' the of 1.ilybxum, and advanced to Sclinus, which, after a vigorous resistance, he took by assault. I le appears 'u have treated this city with an excess of barbarity, which even Carthaginian ferocity does not prepare us to expect. Sixteen thousand of the inhabitants were put to the sword, five thousand were carried away captives, and the miserable remainder escaped to Agrigentum. The city itself was utterly destro) ed. Ilimera was his next object, not only from its importance, and from its LI1Va rying animosity to the Carthaginians, but as it was the scene of his grandfather's overthrow, he was eager to subdue it. The citizens made a most despen-te but in effectual resistance. Diodorus has given minute details of this siege, which are highly curious, as they afford information of the state of military science at this period. The city experienced the same fate as Sclinus ; and Ilan nibal, leaving a small body of troops to assist the con federates, before the conclusion of the year returned to Carthage, where lie was received with the most distin guished honour.