The other belligerents contributed their full share to the violation of American neutrality and the excitement of national feeling. Our merchantmen trading to the French colonies, were captured too frequently without any reasonable cause: the rights of search and impressment were every where exer cised and abused by British cruisers: regulations were established by arbitrary orders in council that found no authority in the law of war: and an attempt to add famine to the distress of France, materially impeded the American commerce in bread stuffs. England still held a number of military posts he longing to the United States by the terms of the treaty of peace: Spain refused us the navigation of the Mississippi, and both nations were more than suspected of having excited the invasions of the In dians. Such were the difficulties of the American government, exposed to aggression from all abroad, and from temporary excitements, unfortified by the secure bulwark of popular support at home. The numerous party friendly to France regarded any position short of actual warfare with her rival, as ungrateful and dishonourable. The mercantile community loudly complained of their embarrassed commerce: the west threatened disunion because they were barred from the natural outlet of their produce; and the insurrectionary resistance to the excise law in Pennsylvania was only subdued by military force.
In these extremities the position of the president was firm. The necessity for additional warlike preparations was urged upon Congress: " if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it: if we desire to secure peace—one of the most pow erful instruments of our prosperity—it must be known that we arc at all times ready for war." The rule of his policy was " to cultivate peace with all the world—to observe treaties with pure and inviolate faith—to check every deviation from the line of impartiality—to explain what may have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation; having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done to ourselves." The American navy was created by this crisis. An embargo was laid on our commerce, taxes were imposed, and all public measures were evi dently directed to the approach of war, which, so far as regarded Great Britain, was certainly the popular wish of America.
At this critical period, 1795, the president was deprived of the assistance of his ablest coadjutors. Mr. Jefferson was induced by ill health to re sign the secretaryship of foreign affairs; and Hamilton and Knox left their several departments on account of the narrowness of their private fortunes. Edmund Randolph succeeded Jefferson; William Bradford became attorney-general, Mr. Wolcott secretary of the treasury. and Colonel
Pickering secretary of war. .Mr. Randolph con tinued but a short time in office: he was succeeded by Pickering, whose vacant department was given to Mr. APHenry. Upon Mr. Bradford's death, Lee was appointed attorney-general.
The treaty of amity negotiated with England by Jay, was received with the utmost acrimony of opposition by the strong party opposed to all ac commodation with an obnoxious power. and by many who conceived it injurious to American interests. Time has now justified the ratification of the executive upon the principles of sound policy; but it was then additionally useful as an adjustment of ancient differences and a commencement of friendly intercourse. A treaty was also effected with Algiers; and by another with Spain, the im portant points of boundary and the Mississippi were fully conceded. Thus was attained, in the language of Washington, " by prudence and mode ration on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord, which had heretofore menaced our tranquillity. on terms compatible with our national faith and honour;" and thus was laid " the firm and precious foundation for accelerating, maturing and establishing the prosperity of our country." The attention of the government was then anxiously given to the settlement of that system, which, at the present day, is about to produce the extinction of the national debt.
1796. The time again approached for the choice of a President of the United States. The intention of Washington to decline a third election, which had been long known to his confidential friends, now began to be generally suspected. The public work was performed for which alone he had sacrificed the first wishes of his heart. The agri culture and commerce of the nation were flourish ing beyond the most sanguine anticipations. Ample revenues had been provided for the support of the government: credit was restored, and the national debt was gradually decreasing. Peace was established with all the world, and with the exception of France, all grounds of foreign rupture had been adjusted by treaty. In all parts of the union—even in those where acts of the administra tion had been most violently condemned—the warmest attachment and veneration were exhibited for the person and character of the president. It was generally agreed that another unanimous suf frage would again confer upon him the chief magistracy of the nation, when the celebrated valedictory address announced a firm resolution to return to the quiet of a domestic life. In nearly all the state legislatures, resoltitions were imme diately passed, expressing the deep emotion excited in the people by the intended retirement of one whose services were so exalted and so appreciated.