The American revolution, as we have seen, produced a wonderful effect on the affairs of Ireland ; the French revo lution, which commenced about the time of the King's ness, was destined to affect the affairs of Ireland in a still greater degree, but unfortunately not in so favourable a manner. It was natural that those in Ireland, who had been so long and so ardently endeavouring to gain for their own country what they deemed its rights, and essential its prosperity, should rejoice at the French revolution when it began, and that they should feel by it inspired to renew their attempts to obtain their favourite objects of parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation. The mode in which they might hope to attain these objects seemed pointed out to them by the volunteers,—hy union and associations they had prevailed, and thus also they might be equally success ful. Accordingly, in June 1791, there appeared at Belfast the plan of an association, under the name of United Irish men ; and in November this association was actually insti tuted at Dublin ; their declared object was, " the for ward ing a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious per suasion, and thereby obtaining a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty." Such were their avowed objects ; but there is reason to believe, that, even at the first formation of this association, the leading members looked further ; or, at least, that they had determined, if it should be ne cessary, to obtain their proposed objects by means incon sistent with public tranquillity, and with their duty as sub jects. That they had such a necessity in contemplation is evident from the formation in Dublin of national guards, distinguished by a green uniform, and by buttons with a harp under a cap of liberty instead of a crown. The 9th of December, 1792, was appointed for the general muster of these guards, and all the volunteer companies were invited to attend ; but the muster never took place, in consequence of t he so ong measures of precaution a lopted by government.
Thus prevented from assembling, the leading men among the United Irishmen put forth a paper, signed by Archibald Hamilton Rowan as their secretary, in which they express ed their expectation that the volunteers would resume their arms for the maintenance of tranquillity against foreign and domestic enemies, and the Protestants generally to choose deputies to a national convention, with which, when formed, the Catholics might act. The Catholics, as might be supposed, were not indisposed to take advantage of this state of the country. Besides the grievances which were common to them and the Protestants, they had various grievances of their own, arising from their religion ; and firm) the declaration of the United Irishmen, they were led to hope that the Protestants, so far from opposing their claims, would now cooperate with them in their endea vours to obtain them. Accordingly they also had their con vention, which assembled on the 3d of December, 1792, in Dublin. After voting a petition to the king, and appoint ing a permanent committee for the management of Catho lic affairs during the recess, they adjourned. That the real nature of the claims which they put forth might be under stood, and the objections generally urged against their claims being complied with might he removed, they abjur ed the dangerous tenets which they were commonly sup posed to entertain—that excommunicated princes might be murdered or deposed by their subjects ; that the murder of heretics is la wful ; that no faith is to be kept with them; that they could be absolved from theiroaths of allegiance; that the pope had any jurisdiction within the realm ; or that any hu man power could forgive sins, without sincere repentance.
They also renounced all claims to the estates of their an cestors which had been forfeited ; and disavowed all de signs of subverting the religious establishment or Ireland.
The United Irishmen and the Catholics, both looking forward to a change in the laws, were naturally well dis posed to each other ; but from other quarters the claims of the Catholics were most violently opposed. The govern ment seemed to think, that the safest conduct for them to pursue was to avoid both extremes ; they were not disposed to grant all the Catholics wished, nor to withhold every thing. In conformity with this determination, in 1793, the legisIature admitted the Catholics to the practice of the law—to intermarry with Protestants—and to an unrestrain ed education. The legislature, during this session of par liament, also passed a law to prevent the election, or other appointment, of conventions, or other unlawful assemblies, under pretence of preparing or presenting public petitions, or other addresses, to his majesty or parliament. This act was directly aimed at a proposed meeting of a national con vention of the United Irish at .Athlone, which was prevent ed. A report of a Secret Committee of the House of Lords threw much light on the views and proceedings of the Uni ted Irishmen, as well as on those of a description of insur gents called Defenders. The latter were Catholics in Armagh, Louth, Meath, and the adjacent counties, who, having first associated to defend themselves against the ill treatment inflicted on them by gangs of Presbyteri ans, called Peep-of-day Boys, became afterwards the as sailants.
From this description of the state of Ireland at this pe 7 10d, it will be evident that there was much discontent 'and dissatisfaction among the great mass of the people ; and this discontent was much augmented by an act of parlia ment for raising a militia, on the plan of that of England, which caused sonic serious disturbances, besides a good deal of misery, among those who could not serve themselves, and were not able to pay for substitutes.
We have already mentioned, that Archibald Hamilton Rowan was secretary to the United Irishmen at the time their manifesto was published ; he was on that account ar rested, and in 1794 brought to trial. It was suspected at the time of his trial, that the views of the United Irish men went farther than they avowed, and that the utter sub version of the constitution, and the separation of Ireland from England, was in their contemplation, and the object of their meetings and schemes. This was afterwards prov ed on the trial of an English clergyman of the name of Jackson, for a treasonable correspondence with the agents of the French government ; for Rowan, who had been con demned to a fine, and imprisonment for two years, contriv ed to escape out of prison, and fled out of the country, conscious that, on the trial of Jackson, evidence of his real designs would be brought to light. Jackson was condemn ed, hut he took noise a, and expired before he was remov ed from court. Two others, who were leading men among the v iulent democratic patty, Napper Tandy and Theobald 'olfe Tune, the principal framer of the United Irishmen, also lied from their country. Indeed, there was now too mach reason to believe, that the United Irishmen not only aimed at a separation from Britain, Lint aimed at this object Ly means of the cooperation of France,—a method at once most dangerous to that liberty which they professed them selves so anxious to secure, and utterly at variance with real patriotism or enlightened views.