There scented mo :nodes by which, at this time, Ireland could be restored to a state of comparative satisfaction and quiet, either by giving way to the more open views of the United Irishmer, by conceding parliamentary reform, or by separating the Catholics from them, by granting Catholic emancipation. The people of Ireland believed that the British ministry had chosen the latter method, when Earl z•illiam arrived among them as viceroy ; for he had been intimately connected with the 'Whig party, though he had dHered from them respecting the French revolution, and he had succeeded to the estates, and it was believed inherit ed the virtues and principles of the Marquis of Rockingham. According to his own statement, the truth of which rests on his character, and on the circumstance that it was not prov ed to be false by ministers, no restrictions had been im posed upon him when he accepted the government of Ire land, but he was left completely at liberty to take such measures to restore tranquillity and loyalty to the country, as he deemed necessary and expedient. His first measure shewed that he was in earnest ; for he began by displacing those people in power, who had opposed the system he meant to pursue. Soon afterwards, petitions were pre scribed from the Catholics, praying for the repeal of all their remaining disqualifications, and leave was given, al most unanimously, to bring in a bill agreeably to these pe titions. In the mean time, those who had been removed from office had not been idle, especially one of the Beres fo•d family, who had been removed from a situation of con siderable emolument. A rumour was spread that Lord Fitzwilliam would be immediately recalled. The Catho lics took the alarm, and petitioned the King against his re moval. To this no answer was given ; and on the 2ith of March Lord Fitzwilliam left Ireland. The bill introduced into the Commons for the relief of the Catholics was still before them ; but, on the second reading, the same House of Commons who had before almost unanimously support ed the bill, threw it out ! The Catholics, however, were permitted to send their sons to study in the university of Dublin ; and a college, endowed by government, was esta blished for them at Maynooth.
The conduct of the British government was by no means calculated to pacify the Catholics. Disturbances prevailed through the country. A mob in Dublin, attacked and wounded the Lord Chancellor, Fitzgibbon,—a man who was peculiarly obnoxious :—and defenderism increased. The Catholics, however, were not nearly so dangerous as those who aimed at political changes. The United Irishmen now began to direct their views and plans with less scruple, though with more secrecy, to the most treasonable designs. Secret associations were formed, of which no person was admitted a member, till he had solemnly sworn that neither hopes, fears, rewards, or punishments, should ever induce him, directly or indirectly, to inform on, or give evidence against, any member or members of that or similar socie ties, for any act or expression of theirs done or made col lectively or individually, in or out of the society, in pursu ance of the spirit of the obligation by which they were dis tinguished and bound.
In public as well as in private transactions, extreme vio lence on one side is too apt to beget extreme violence on the other. The government deemed it absolutely necessa ry to deprive the subject of the protection of those whole some and just laws, by which, in times of internal tranquilli ty and universal loyalty, his life and property as well as hi•, liberty were protected. They deemed it also necessary to pass laws of great rigour and severity, the execution of which must be left, in many cases, entirely to the local ma gistrates, or to the commanders of the troops stationed where the disturbances took place. These magistrates
and commanders, thus vested, too often even by the autho rity of government with a discretionary or arbitrary power, ware apt, even where they were men who were conscienti cusly desirous to act right, and only to exercise where it was absolutely necessary for the preservation of the public peace, to pass beyond the limits of their power. This was too frequently the case. Men guilty, or suspect ed of being dangerous to the public peace, were seized by the magistrates, and sent to serve in the navy. In order to protect the magistrates from the consequences of this stretch of power, a bill of indemnity was passed ; and like wise what was called the insurrection act, by which the chief governor in council was authorised to proclaim, on the requisition of seven of its magistrates assembled at the session of the peace, any county or district thereof in a state of disturbance, and thereby to invest the magistrates with a power, under the authority of the law, to send sus pected persons into the navy. They were also authorised to search houses for arms, and, after previous notice, to treat as culprits all such as should be absent from their homes, without satisfactory excuse, after certain hours in the even ing. In October, 1796, the Habeas Corpus act,,was again suspended.
In order still further to protect the country from the designs of the disaffected, and against a French invasion with which it was threatened, the government encouraged the formation of an armed yeomanry. In many respects, this species of force was much preferable to the troops of the line, on which hitherto the peace and defence of Ireland had mainly depended ; for those troops, principally from Britain, had certainly served to irritate and inflame the Irish by their disorderly conduct ; besides, the formation of yeomanry was judicious and beneficial, as it might have a tendency to break down the associations of Orangemen in the north of Ireland, who, under pretence of defending themselves from the Catholics, were guilty of the most dreadful outrages and violations of the laws.
It was not to be supposed that the French government was ignorant of the state of Ireland, or indisposed to take advantage of it in their war with Great Britain. Indeed it was matter of surprise that they had not attempted to land troops in a country so disturbed, and in which there was avowedly so numerous and active a part of the inhabitants desirous to throw off the British yoke, and for that purpose, to accept any foreign assistance that might present itself. An agreement was in fact made between the leading men in the Irish Union and the French Directory, for the land ing of a French force in Ireland, on condition that the in vading army should act as auxiliaries, receiving their pay and instruction from the Union. As soon as this arrange ment was settled, preparations for the invasion of Ireland were made at Brest. The Irish Union, in order to be ready to second the efforts of their new allies, were un commonly active and zealous in their preparations and plans ; but, in the midst or these, they were thrown into a state of uncertainty, and induced to suspend their opera tions, in consequence of receiving, first, the intelligence that the invasion would take place immediately, that is, in the beginning of the winter of 1796 ; and almost imme diately afterwards, a letter, which they had no reason not to regard as authentic, that the invasion would be deferred till the spring of 1797.