But, even in the realm of politics, the King is very far from being the mere figure-head which superficial observers have sometimes supposed. It is true that the splendid service which the King renders to the State as the em bodiment and symbol of the unity and per manence of a world-wide empire is, perhaps, the greatest of all the functions of the Crown; and, it may be added, there can hardly be any position more truly splendid, more worthy of the highest powers, more capable of being used as an instrument of good. Its singular value is that, while it affords scope for the powers of genius, the position is capable of being reason ably well filled by any man or woman of mod erate ability and first-rate training, while even an unworthy holder cannot do very much harm in it. In other words, it is a position singularly well suited to an hereditary monarch.
And it would be a great mistake to assume that, even in the realm of politics, the function of the monarch is confined to the outward show of things, and has no place behind the scenes, where the real fates of nations are de cided. Bagehot, in his work before referred to, has summarized, with his usual justice, the political rights to which a constitutional mon arch, in a system like the British, is entitled. He has ache right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn." And, as the same writer very truly remarks, such rights,, in the hands of a monarch of sense and sagacity, and it may be added, of experience, are singu larly effective. In modern conditions, the air of a court is by no means so fatal to width of outlook and knowledge of the world as in the days before the popular press and facile travel ing. The late Queen Victoria, for example, was learning politics by instinct when many of her future Ministers were absorbed in the sports of youth or the narrow cares of professional life. Words of warning or encouragement must have fallen with singular force from her lips upon the ears of men upon whom rested the tremendous responsibilities of empire; while the completeness with which she could enforce her undoubted constitutional rights was shown in the famous letter in which she consigned Lord Palmerston to temporary oblivion in 1850. On that occasion Her Majesty simply insisted upon her undoubted right to be distinctly in formed of every event, in contemplation or progress, which might result in an act of the Crown, sin order that she may as distinctly know to what she is giving her royal sanction.
Of late years suggestions have from time to time been made to the effect that the occupant of the throne should take a more personal and ostentatious part of the details of government. These suggestions not only savor of the politi cal backwater, but they are singularly ill-advised in the interests of the monarchy. Britons feel
so keenly upon political matters, that anyone, however exalted, who takes part in controversial or debatable matters, inevitably meets with hostile criticism and periods of unpopularity. From such untoward accidents the Crown is entirely saved by virtue of its present unique position. Even where, as during the last two eventful years of the Balfour Ministry, the policy of the government was unpopular with the majority of the community, no one dreamed of blaming the King, for everyone assumed that he had nothing to do with it. °The King has no politics, and no one knows to which party be How different was the atti tude of the country to George III during the long period in which he strove to restore the older type of monarchy. But perhaps the most com plete testimony to the success of the present system, so far as the Crown is concerned, is the fact that republicanism, even as an academic ideal, has practically ceased to exist in the British Empire. Among all the schemes of political reform which are from time to time mooted, no one ever contemplates the disap pearance or modification of the powers of the Crown; for the very good reason that the Crown, so far from being a stumbling-block in the way of reform, is seen to be capable of being employed as a valuable instrument to se cure it. The working of the Cabinet system makes the Crown a splendid fixed sun, sur rounded by a constellation of rolling planets destined, from time to time, to disappear from sight. No one becomes tired of the sun, because the desire for occasional change, planted in every human breast, is satisfied by the appear ance and disappearance of the planets. The Cabinet system may be open to severe criticism; but its defects will not be amended by any change which will reduce the monarch from his proud position as head of a united nation, to the leadership of a faction of irresponsible politicians, opposition to whom would mean op position to the avowed personal wishes of the Crown.
Bibliography.— Considering its importance, very few writers have attempted to deal in de tail with the history and working of the Cabi net system. The following works will be found useful in studying the subject. History: Mor ley, 'Walpole) (English Statesmen Series) ; Jenks, 'Parliamentary England> (Story of the Nations Series). Working: Bagehot, 'The English Constitution) (1867) ; Hearn, 'The Government of England' (chaps. viii-x) ; Anson, 'Law and Custom of the Constitution> (part II, The Crown, chap. iii, 3d ed., Oxford 1909) ; Brain, 'Central Government> (English Citizen Series).