Unfortunately, however, the canal treaty be came a source of almost endless misunderstand ing and contention. Near the close of Buchanan's administration, the critically con flicting views in regard to its interpretation were finally settled by three British treaties (with Central American powers) which proved satisfactory to Cass and seemed to vindicate the Monroe Doctrine.
Anglo-American relations in Central America between 1854 and 1860 were affected and corn.
plicated by the bold designs of William Walker, America's greatest filibuster, whose designs for the control of Nicaragua and of Central America, closely related to the struggle of financiers for the control of the Nicaraguan transit route, were finally terminated by his capture and execution through English aid in 1860.
Relations in the fifties were also by American resentment against certain authorita tive declarations indicating the existence of an Anglo-French °understanding on policy in two hemispheres') which was regarded as a threat against the Monroe Doctrine.
Relations in the Pacific increased in import ance after 1850. In 1854 the United States negotiated with the king of the Hawaiian Islands a treaty of annexation which failed of execution largely because of the protest of the British consul, and Americans in the islands later suspected that British diplomacy was pre paring Hawaii for a British regency at the death of Kamehameha IV, who became king in January 1855, with the intention of making this a cotton-growing colony. In 1856, how ever, L. D. Evans in the House indicated a basis for Anglo-American cordiality and co operation in the Pacific.
In operations to secure friendly treatment in China in the period of confusion resulting from the Taiping rebellion, Great Britain had reason to suspect a larger co-operation of the United States, but the American government declined to act on the recommendation of American diplomatic representatives in China and con fined its joint action to friendly concert on points of common interest.
Relations affecting Canada after the termina tion of the Northeast and Northwest boundary disputes were largely concerned with questions of fisheries, trade and navigation. The Ameri can government, seizing the opportunity offered by the disastrous effect of English commercial since 1846 upon Canada, and by the condition of affairs in Europe which made England anxious to avoid difficulty with the United States and Canada, entered into negotia tions in 1854 for a Canadian reciprocity treaty by which the United States obtained liberal concessions, including commercial privileges and the navigation of the Saint Lawrence. The treaty, however, proved disappointing, partly because of the increase of Canadian provincial protective tariffs laid in violation of its spirit through the influence of Lower Canada.
Complication of relations with Canada were threatened after 1858 by new conditions west of Lake Superior in the Red River region adjoin ing the new State of Minnesota, and also on the Pacific Coast following the discovery of gold on Frazer River (in 1857) and the consequent American immigration from California and Oregon — increasing the importance of Van couver Island and British Columbia, and, in 1859, precipitating the San Juan water boundary dispute.
In 1860, when friendly relations were undis turbed by dangerous questions, the visit of the Prince of Wales, who slept at the White House and planted a tree at the tomb of Washington, tended to increase kindred and kindly feelmgs.
The American Civil War furnished many serious subjects for diplomatic controversy and negotiation with Great Britain. During the war several events contributed to the renewal of suspicion and strained relations. The Amer ican government felt that the British govern ment favored the Confederacy which threatened the integrity of the American Union, and which through its agents from the latter part of 1863 until near the dose of the war endeavored to break the peace of the Canadian frontier. Al though the British manufacturing lasses, represented by Bright, Cobden and Forster, were opposed to the slavery interests which pre cipitated secession, and felt for the United States a strong friendship whose expression was silenced only for the moment by the Trent affair, the aristocracy and commercial classes sympathized with the Confederate States and re ferred disrespectfully to the °Disunited States* — and even Gladstone said °Jefferson Davis has made a nation.° The British neutrality proc lamation of 1861. though probably not in tended to be unfriendly to the American gov ernment at Washington, was unfortunate in the time of its appearance. Actual conflict was seriously threatened by the Trent affair, which, however, was fortunately adjusted to the satisfaction of both governments. Other sources of irritation appeared in the use of English ports for the construction and equip ment of Confederate cruisers and in the use of certain British West Indian ports as bases for Confederate blockade runners. After the period of crisis in the middle of 1863, when the French emperor was defeated in attempts made through Confederate sympathizers in Parliament to induce the English government to adopt a policy of joint European recogni tion of the Confederacy, British sympathy for the Confederate insurgents gradually decreased. Near the close of the war the British govern ment feared the growing power of the United States and the activities of Fenians, which caused apprehension of possible attempts to invade British-American possessions. Rela tions were complicated by the Canadian canal policy which the American government did not consider liberal enough to justify the continua tion of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854— which, therefore, was terminated in 1866 by notice of the previous year.