One of the first results of this reconciliation was the adherence to socialism of the former leader of Italian Internationalism, Andrea Costa, who, on leaving prison thus addressed his friends: °Hitherto we Internationalists have been self-centered, engrossed by the logic of ideas and by the preparation of revolutionary plans, which we deemed immediately realizable, and we have neglected• the study of the eco nomic and moral conditions of the people and their immediate and bitterly felt wants. We have accordingly disregarded many of the ac tivities of life, we have not sufficiently mingled with the masses and when, with generous im pulse, we have attempted to raise the banner of revolution we have been misunderstood and de serted. . . . Internationalism has been here tofore the representative principle of a tempo rary historic moment in the life of our people, it cannot stand for the whole of this life. We do not mean to discard the name °International,D but we want it to become something more than a scarecrow, we want it to embrace all the socialist parties found in other countries.)) These authoritative words were the epilogue of the dead Internationalist socialism and the prologue of the new socialism; and the year 18/32 marks the dividing line between the old and the new. Now for the first time did the Italian working classes clearly perceive their objective and the means by which it could be achieved. This passing of Internationalism and the birth of the new Italian Socialism was neither accidental nor was it due to the propa ganda of certain enlightened leaders. Rather was it the result of a betterment in political and economic conditions. The petty and antagonis tic states, duchies and kingdoms subject to the influence of foreign powers, had become Italy, free and independent. During the 10 years suc ceeding 1871 the products of Italian mines, many principal industries (as silk and cotton) nearly or quite doubled in the value of their output. And this progress, with some excep tions, has continued. The political change and industrial progress as surely provided the en vironment and opportunities for the new social ism as the former political unrest and economic depression created Internationalism.
From the wreck of Internationalism arose two parties. One had its chief strength in Tuscany and Romagna, under the leadership of Andrea Costa, who sought to persuade the people that the time for conspiracies was past and that they should claim their rights through legal agitations. The other, in central and southern Italy where industry was languish ing, and agricultural laborers desperately poor, found support from a people who maintained their reputation for impulsiveness, and the senti ment of rebellion which they had inherited from Internationalism. In northern Italy where there was industrial activity and comparative agricul tural prosperity, the stern Marxist socialism also divided into two distinct movements — the rigidly political party of the intellectual social ists, and the so-called uworlcingmen's party,o which was socialistic in intention, but which in practice adopted co-operative methods.
These four different manners of interpret ing the socialist doctrine differed rather in the practical methods they advocated than on mat ters of fundamental importance. But all four
being newly adopted were passionately sustained by their neophyte following. Then also all over Italy socialism aroused the opposition of those Democrats and Republicans that belonged to the great middle class i and as in some places socialists opposed and in other places made al liances with these parties, a new cause of dis sension arose. It is hardly possible to find a clew out of this tangled maze. History here turns gossip. It is incoherent and—petty. Of these four divisions the most insignificant was that which nearest resembled the defunct In ternationalism. The party of legalitarian social ism as taught by Andrea Costa, which was somewhat imbued with Internationalism, was more important. It was the Labor party (partito operario) which originated in the co operative group, and the strictly Marxist party which at first comprised only a few intellectual men, both parties originating in Milan, that combined to produce the present Socialist party. The Labor party was formed by actual working men — Lazzari, Croce, Sacco and others. Fierce struggles were waged and the first victories won, struggles and victories sometimes against those Republicans and Democrats who sought to compel the Labor party to accept their leadership and protection.
In the beginning the Milan Socialists ac cepted the leadership of the Laborites, and candidates of both parties were found on the same electoral tickets. But at the Congress of Mantau, 1885 — the date which records the most prosperous moment for the Labor party — it was resolved that they would thenceforth make no alliance with the Socialist or any other political party. Yet in fact at the next political meeting in Milan such agreements were made. At this time men like Felippo Turati, the Ital ian Juares; Camillo Prampolini, the apostle of Reggio Emilia, Agnini and Berenini, joinea the Socialist party, and directed it toward a purely Marxist conception. A few electoral victories confirmed the wisdom of this program and as the Labor party lost influence many of its best members passed into the Socialist party, which now sought to unite all interests in one com pact organization.
In the next Congress held in Milan in 1891 the anarchists and the Mazzinians were routed by the Marxist socialists, who immediately be gan to receive large accessions from all over Italy, and the election of 1892 added to the socialist victories. Encouraged also by the co lossal growth of socialism in Germany the prop agandists labored unweariedly, and harmony and strength came to the party; and in the memorable Congress in Genoa in 1892, after repelling all alliances with anarchists and co operatives, the Socialists proclaimed the con stitution of the Socialist Italian Labor party a party which, though officially dating from 5 Aug. 1892, did not in fact originate in the blending of the Milanese Labor party — an en lightened trade unionism — with the socialist movement in Milan, led by Turati, Gnocchi, Viani, Prampolini and others, and in central Italy led by Andrea Costa.