It' is important to remember that in 1892 capitalism offered no organized opposition to socialism, although socialistic doctrines had been preached all over Italy for 20 years. A weak bourgeoisie and a strong proletariat, ardent in its new faith, were the best guaran tees for the success of socialism. For two years this state of affairs continued, and Italy wit nessed the novel spectacle of a vast political association held together by discipline, free from the bonds of secrecy or conspiracy. Out of the ranks of the bourgeoisie came many brave men who raised the banner of revolt against existing conditions. Cesare Lombroso, the great pathologist, Enrico Ferri, the eloquent orator and famous jurisconsult of the new pos itivist school of criminology, joined the social ists. They were followed by philosophers, poets, scientists and economists, in large num bers.
The Congress held at Reggio Emilia in 1893 was an apotheosis of the socialism that had vindicated the rights of the agricultural classes of North Italy, but—it was also the last action of the Socialist party which was not opposed by the bourgeoisie. Before the end of this year there were famine riots in Sicily, echoed also in Continental Italy. They were the inevitable consequences of the hunger of the people and the oppressive taxes. But the rioters were led by Socialists, and often socialist cries were used, hence repression took the form of war on socialism ; the Statuto (Constitution) was violated and administrative deportations insti tuted and freely applied to political agitators, liberty of the press was abolished, and by means of seizure of documents and lists of members and imprisonments, the party was for the time suppressed. But because this extreme violence was instigated by the unpopular bour geoisie and carried out by a ministry already discredited by the bank scandals, the Socialist party was not vitally injured. In January 1895, at a secret congress held in Parma, the party altered its constitution and assumed the name °Italian Socialist Party?' and in the ensuing general election poll'd 80,000 votes, secured ad ditional parliamentary seats and compelled the passing of amnesty laws which brought security and tranquillity. At the next congress, held in Florence, the headquarters were transferred from Milan to Rome, the seat of government and the place most suitable for political propa ganda, and it was also decided to publish a daily paper, L'Avaati, which could carry on the propaganda in a field not reached by the 40 or 50 existing weekly Socialist papers. In the gen eral election of 1897 the Socialist vote increased to 130,000. In the congress of this year held
at Bologna the intransigeant policy was defi nitely rejected and it was agreed to make alliances with other democratic parties in op position to the common enemy — the Conserva tives. The party seemed on the highroad to prosperity.
Never has the desire either for personal, civil or religious liberty sufficed to rouse Ital ians to rebellion. Liberty has either come peacefully or else as the result of conflicts for other ideals, such as the conflict for Italian unity and independence of foreign control. Public opinion naturally favors liberty— it is there and it is convenient. But because of a racial scepticism and excess of philosophic resignation, when this liberty is lost the sacri fice is endured. Italians are easily aroused, they no less easily forget, or desire to be left in repose. Hence the socialistic party, which in public meetings lifted its voice in strident propaganda and noisy warfare, was a disturber of the peace, a mischief-maker to the bour geoisie, who welcomed an opportunity to de stroy it. This opportunity came in 1898. For several months previously the Socialists had been speaking against the customs duty on for eign wheat and flour, which enabled the incom petent farmers of south and central Italy to pay starvation wages to the oppressed peasants, but which intolerably raised the cost of bread to the poorly paid industrial workers in the cities. This price of bread was still further increased in 1898 by the previous year's scanty harvest. Street tumults ensued which might have been avoided by the temporary reduction of the duty on foreign wheat. Martial law was almost everywhere proclaimed, and penal servitude was the frequent sentence pronounced by military judges. Members of Parliament and journalists were condemned to prison and exile, archives of Socialist associations were destroyed and the funds of co-operative socie ties seized. The blow to socialism seemed mortal.
The government soon realized that this se verity was not approved by public opinion and martial law was revoked; administrative de portation for political offenses ceased and am nesty was granted. But though the govern ment, repenting its leniency, asked from Parlia ment laws restricting the right of association and liberty of the press, the Socialist leaders on leaving prison and returning from exile re newed their agitation and inaugurated the first obstructive tactics ever attempted in an Italian Parliament, compelling a dissolution. This parliamentary revolution marks a historic event.