LABOR UNIONS. The government of labor unions has developed somewhat like our political institutions. First there was the local union, which confined its activities to one place and was democratic. The members all came together in primary assembly where they decided all questions and elected a few officers for short terms. In time several unions in the same industry came together and formed a State or interstate union. These soon evolved into national organizations, such as the United Mine Workers, or the Brotherhood of Locomo tive Engineers. Then there seems to have been a conscious effort to model after our political institutions. The local unions still exist. Some such organizations in a particular State have a State union though there is little State organiza tion except in federations. City and State federations exist largely for political purposes, to influence elections and secure favorable legislation. At the top of the unions in any particular industry stands the national union. This is governed by a convention of delegates from the local unions and a set of executive officers. However, direct legislation by the initiative and referendum has gone a long way toward displacing convention legislation. It also solves the vexatious emblem of propor tional representation.
Centralization.— The extent of centraliza tion varies greatly in the different unions. The Cigar Makers' International Union has taken over a great many matters formerly left to the local unions and still left to them in some organizations. Extensive supervisory powers are vested in the hands of the presi dent and the Sick, disabled and unemployment benefit funds are left with the locals, but the administration of these funds is rigidly inspected by the The use of the union label is another matter of national control and fines may be imposed for violation of the rules governing it. The United Mine Workers is a very democratic organization. Since 1911 the constitution has provided that no strike shall be ordered or called off by dis trict or national officers without a referendum. The centralization of industry has done much to centralize the unions, though it is still pos sible for local strikes to be called in some in dustries. At the top of the orders stands the American Federation of Labor (q.v.), though
several of the larger unions never have affiliated with the Federation. This is, strictly speaking, more nearly a confederation. It is a federation of federations. Local unions, with few excep tions,. are known to it only through city, dis trict, State or national federations. Exceptions are made in favor of unions for which no national federation exists. The executive coun cil may levy a tax of one cent a week per member on the affiliated unions for not more than 10 weeks, the proceeds to be used to sup port an affiliated union on strike.
Previous to 1880 member ship in the unions was controlled mainly by the locals, but since that time this has passed more and more into the hands of the national authorities. Especially have they been active in forming new local unions. The race ques tion has proved a vexatious problem. Twelve unions, mostly in the railway service, absolutely exclude the negro. The Knights and the American Federation are favorable to him, but he has a hard row in many unions from which he is nominally not excluded. The fees to be exacted of new members is generally left to the locals, but this is some times abused to exclude persons not desired by the particular local. To correct this some national unions prescribe maximum and minimum fees. Some i require actual instruction and work in the trade amounting virtually to an apprenticeship and this must be in a ((fair* shop. Kinship often plays a part. For example, in 1905 a local of the Plumbers' United Association ac cepted none but sons of journeymen or boss plumbers as apprentices, Limitations upon the number of apprentices are common. Compe tency for membership is tested in most unions by wage-earning capacity. The applicant must be competent to command the minimum wages established by the local union. A few apply the time test, that he shall have worked three years at the trade. A few combine the tests of wages and time. Some unions will not admit foreigners unless naturalized, or exact high fees of them or require the consent of the national union, or the presentation of a foreign card. Under certain conditions members may be required to withdraw or they are automat ically dropped, for example, when a member advances to the position of foreman or em ployer.