Brazil's first public .statement in connec tion with her attitude in the European War was almost synchronous with Bolivia il reply, men tioned above; for on 7 Feb. 1917, answering likewise Germany's notification in regard to submarine warfare, the Brazilian government, through its Foreign Office, expressed the de sire to maintain its position of unswerving neu trality, reserving, however, the right to present in due time such claims as might arise in con crete cases affecting Brazilian interests. It was also stated that a deep impression had been caused by the German avowal of an intention to sacrifice lives unjustly, and unjustly to de stroy property and disorganize commerce. Foreign Office pointed out, moreover, that Bra zil could not accept the ublocicade° as effective; and that the Brazilian government, in harmony with international usages, conventions and agree ments, was bound to protest against such a block ade, placing on the German government the re sponsibility for any acts affecting Brazilian citi zens, ships and merchandise. On 11 April 1917 the Brazilian government broke off diplomatic re lations with Germany, as the result of the sink ing of the steamship Parma by a German sub marine, without warning and with loss of lives, on the night of 3 April 1917 off Point Barfleur. On 1 June 1917 the Brazilian government re voked the decree of neutrality (of 25 April 1917) in the war between the United States and Germany. Next, measures were taken to make use of the German merchant vessels an chored in Brazilian ports. The plans formed at that time included the protection of Brazil ian shipping abroad and co-operation with friendly nations in measures designed to se cure the freedom of Brazil's foreign trade. On 4 June 1917 the Brazilian 'Ambassador at Washington, in his note to the Secretary of State of the United States, said °The Presi dent of the Republic [of Brazil] has just in structed me to inform Your Excellency's Gov ernment that he has approved the law which re vokes Brazil's neutrality in the war between the United States of America and the German Empire. The Republic thus recognized the fact that one of the belligerents is a constituent por tion of the American continent, and that we are bound to that belligerent by traditional friend ship and the same sentiment in the defense of the vital interests of America and the accepted principles of law. Brazil ever was and is now free from warlike ambitions, and while it al ways refrained from showing any partiality in the European conflict, it could no longer stand unconcerned when the struggle involved the United States, actuated by no interest what ever, but solely for the sake of international judicial order, and when Germany included us and the other neutral powers in the most vio lent acts of war.' We may add that a strong anti-German sentiment had been created in Bra zil by the publication of the facts concerning the invasion of Belgium and the Teutonic atrocities during 1915 and 1916. The people and their government were of one mind when, on 25 Oct. 1917, the President of Brazil sent a message to Congress stating that it was impos sible longer to avoid recognition of the state of war imposed by Germany. Accordingly on the following day, 26 Oct. 1917, the Chamber of Representatives by an almost unanimous vote (149 to 1) declared that a state of war existed between Brazil and Germany. Unanimous ap proval of the proclamation of war was given by the Senate also, on 26 Oct. 1917.
Costa Rica evinced the true Pan-American spirit promptly, offering the use of its ports to the warships of the United States, arresting on 16 Sept. 1917 three of the resident Germans who were charged with conspiracy, and intern ing all Germans who resided in Costa Rican ports. A special session of Congress was called and on 21 Sept. 1917 the government severed diplomatic relations with Germany. The diplo matic and consular representatives of Germany received their passports, and the Costa Rican legation and consuls in Germany were recalled.
Costa Rica declared war on the government of. the German Empire 23 May 1918.
The Dominican Republic declared its neu trality in 1916, but in June 1917 withdrew the exequatur of the German consular service and thus, in response to the general sentiment of its citizens, severed diplomatic relations with the German Empire.
Ecuador did not reach a clear and explicit decision in this matter until toward the end of 1917, but the government expressed to the Min ister of the United States at Quito, in a note dated 11 Feb. 1917, the following views: efforts of neutral powers to soften the rigors of the present disastrous war are very com mendable and worthy of applause, as are . . . the principles declared by the Government of the United States in its note of 18 April 1916, addressed to the German Foreign Office, through American Ambassador Gerard, con cerning the inalienable rights of neutrals, the immunity of non-combatants, and those sacred rights of humanity which have universally and of old been accepted by civilized nations? The President of Ecuador, in his message of 10 Aug. 1917 to the Ecuadorean Congress, ad vanced the thought of Pan-American solidarity in the following terms: °We continue to up hold a policy of neutrality and our efforts to secure a more open and frank understanding among all nations of the American continents. We have said on every occasion, when justice so demanded, that we are in sympathy with and have faith in the great democratic principles, the fundamental basis of those nations. Amer ica, therefore [in the wider sense, as suggested above], will always find us with it' On 5 Oct. 1917, when Peru broke off diplomatic relations with Germany, it was stated that the German Minister at Lima intended to go to Ecuador, to which country he was accredited as well as to Peru. The Ecuadorean government announced, however, through its Minister of Foreign Af fairs, on 7 Oct. 1917, that the German Minister would not be received officially in Ecuador in case he desired to present his credentials there; and two months later (7 Dec. 1917) the sever ance of diplomatic relations with Germany was made definite and complete.
Guatemala, in a formal statement dated 7 March 1917, protested against Germany's sub marine blockade, of which it had received noti fication on 9 February. The whole policy adopted by the German Admiralty constituted, according to the characterization of it in that document, a violation of the rights of nations. Thisprotest elicited no response whatever from the German government or its diplomatic rep resentative in Guatemala, and the Guatemala government proceeded to sever diplomatic re lations with Germany on 27 April 1917. It also offered its ports, territorial waters and railway facilities to the United States; and by a decree of the National Legislative Assembly, 21 April 1918, Guatemala's attitude of belliger ency toward the German Empire was declared to be the same as that of the United States.
Haiti's National Assembly protested on 11 May 1917 against the establishment of the sub marine blockade, asserting that Germany must be held to account in every sense for resultant injuries sustained by Haitian subjects travel ing on the high seas; that a benevolent policy was adopted toward the United States, and that diplomatic relations with Germany would, if necessity for such action arise, be broken off. Accordingly when the Karnak and the Mon treal were sunk, several Haitians losing their lives, the government of Haiti demanded sat isfaction and indemnity. The German gov ernment emphasized its unwillingness to con sider the matter by delivering his passports to the Haitian charg6-d'affaires at Berlin. The rupture was completed by the dismissal, an 16 June 1917, of the German representative at Port-au-Prince, and by a declaration of war, 12 July 1918.