As in England there was witnessed the first emergence of the dynastic national state, there also the middle class first came intopower, due primarily to the more complete influence of the Commercial Revolution there than else where. In 1649 the English middle class be headed a would-be autocratic king and 40 years later they completed the process of put ting the middle class in political control by driving his son into exile when he attempted to ignore the constitutional barriers to the exer cise of unlimited royal power. In France the °bourgeoisie" did not triumph until a century later. In 1614 they had been too weak to defy the monarch and the feudal nobility, but in 1789 and the following years they gave object ive evidence of their increase of power dur ing the previous century and three-quarters by crushing both royalty and nobility and estab lishing themselves as the supreme power in the state. Threatened by the exiled French aristocracy and their foreign sympathizers, the Revolutionists, held together by the new shib boleth of fraternity, arose as a °nation in arms" to defend their freshly won liberty against the champions of the old regime. A vast change took place in the nature of national sentiment as a result of this popularizing force of fraternity. At the close of the 17th cen tury Louis XIV had held that the state and the monarch were one and the same; at the close of the 18th bourgeois officials were declaring that the nation had a glorious existence quite independent of the king. Professor Hayes has well expressed the importance of this new Revolutionary watchword of °Fraternity" in the process of popularizing the sentiment of nationalism. °Of all the political and spiritual elements in the
The naval and commercial aspects of the strug gle between England and France greatly stimulated that development of national unity in the United States which was involved in the preparation to meet the insults to this country and the ravages on its trade. Finally,the pur chase of Louisiana, made possible by Napoleon, was the greatest nationalistic event in the first half century of our history as an independent state. So great was the momentum which the popularized sentiment of nationality gained that not even Metternich, the most astute states man of the first half of the 19th century, could check it. In spite of his temporarily successful efforts to leave Italy and Germany mere 'geographical expressions' in 1815, the arrange ment he produced was cast to the winds by those great nationalistic statesmen Cavour and Bismark in the unification of Italy and Ger many, while the national sentiment surged violently, if with less success in gaining full political expression, in Greece, the Balkans, Bohemia, Poland and Hungary. But the French Revolution, as the final political and national istic expression of the Commercial Revolution, only gave the initial impulse to this new or democratic phase in the development of nationality. A Much more profound revolution was already in process of development in the factories and mines of England, and the great est transformation in the history of the race was there being prepared, which could not fail to have a far-reaching reaction upon the growth of national sentiment and the activities and at titudes of the national states.
The term 'Industrial Revolution') was given by W. S. Jevons and Arnold Toynbee to the great series of mechanical inventions that fol lowed the introduction of John Kay's 'flying shuttle° in 1738 and have completely trans formed the economic, political and social, as well as most of the intellectual, foundations of civilization. The general significance of the Industrial Revolution has been eloquently set forth by Professor Shotwell in the following quotation: 'It has brought into existence a vast working population, embodied in iron and steel, drawn from mines and forests, from steam, gas and electricity by the mysterious genius of the human brain. It has transformed the face of nature and the life of the whole world. These are not mere economic facts. They form the largest and most wonderful chapter in the history of mankind. What is the Renaissance or Reformation, the empire of Charlemagne or of Caesar, compared with this empire of mind and industry, which has pene trated the whole world, planting its cities, as it goes, binding the whole together by railroad and telegraph, until the thing we call civiliza tion has drawn the isolated communities of the old regime into a great world organism, with its afferent and efferent nerves of news and capital reaching to its finger tips in the mar kets of the frontier. A nicIde spent for thread in Uganda sets the spindles going in Man chester. Fellaheen by the Nile may be starv ing because the-cigarette factories are building marble palaces for their owners on the banks of the Hudson.° Following as a result of the industrial conditions necessitated by the me chanical inventions came the 'factory system° and the growth of the modern industrial cities, with all of their attendant social and economic problems. This meant not only a concentra tion of the industrial population in the newly created manufacturing cities, but also the com pletion of the process of separating capital from labor and the creation of the interrelation between them that has colored the social and economic history of the last century. Socially and politically the most important results of this sweeping transformation were the great increase in the number and strength middle or capitalistic class and the creation of the industrial proletariat. The struggle between these classes and of both of them against the landed aristocracy has been the centre of the political history of the last hundred years and the chief dynamic force in the growth of political democracy. The development of means of the communication of intelligence, through the railroad, telegraph, telephone and cheap newspapers, made possible a real psychological unity within each nation, broke up local isola tion and completed the process of popularizing national sentiment and perfecting national self consciousness. It made the various manifestations of "herd-instinct° more com municable, more responsive and more liable to sudden and hysterical explosions. So funda mentally primitive was the general level of thought and interests on the eve of the Indus trial Revolution that the sudden development of the means of communicating these through out the modern national state tended to give to national thought and emotion the same nar rowness and self-satisfied provincialism that had earlier prevailed on a smaller scale. There fore, it is not surprising that Professor Robin son finds that "Our ancient tribal instinct evi dently retains its blind and unreasoning char acteristics despite the fact that we are able nowadays, by means of newspapers, periodicals, railroads and telegraphs, to spread it over vast areas, such as are comprised in modern states like Germany, France, Russia and the United States." The world-wide extension of the new mechanism of communication also rendered jingoistic expressions in foreign countries bet ter known and inure likely to arouse national antagonisms. Finally, as will be evident from the following discussion, the Industrial Revolu tion was the most influential force impelling the great modern national states to undertake the building up of new'colonial empires in the era of modern imperialism since 1870.