There being three distinct parliaments in the empire, there are also three budgets, namely, that for the whole empire, that for Cisleithan and that for Transleithan Austria. In the budget for 1910 the revenue of Austria was $599,098,400; of Hungary $414,909800; the ex penditure of Austria was $580,272,800; of Hun gary $380,333,200. A small portion of the imperial revenue of Austria is derived from cus toms and other sources, and the remainder is made up by the two divisions of the empire, 70 per cent thereof being contributed by Aus tria and 30 per cent by Hungary.
Recent Austria to-day is, what Metternich with less truth called Italy, little more than a geographical expression. Three bonds unite its discordant nationalities. There is nothing really Austrian in Austria—no Aus trian interests, no Austrian language, or litera ture, or patriotism, no Austrian nationality, no Austrian standard of civilization; nothing ex cept the Emperor, and the army, and the forum of the Reichsrath that the races share in com mon. The Germans form a compact entity by themselves in Upper and Lower Austria and the duchy of Salzburg. In Bohemia there is a considerable colony along the borders of Sax ony and Bavaria, over 2,000,000 strong, but even so they are outnumbered by the Czechs in the ratio of 3 to 5. All together the German speaking subjects are about a third of the total population of Austria — some 10,750,000 out of 28,572,000. The Czechs in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia number roughly 5,000,000. In Galicia some 4,000,000 Poles hold down a trifle over 3,000,000 Ruthenians. The Serbs, Croats and the Slovenians, known under the collective name of Jugoslays (i.e., South Slays), number roughly 6,000,000 and constitute the bulk of population of the provinces of Bosnia, Herze govina, Dalmatia and the Dalmatian archi pelago, Croatia and Slavonia, including Dricka (Fiume) and the Merjumurje, Baranja, Backa, Banat, Istriu, the gnarlier() Isles, Carniola, Gorica, southern Carinthia, southern Styria and some districts of the southwestern Hungary, while nearly 1,000,000 Italians inhabit the Tyrol. None of these races can alone be said to repre sent Austria, though all of them claim to; and their mutual wranglings, struggles to realize themselves, struggles to elbow out their neigh bors and seize an incontestable ascendency, are the background, and at times something more, of modern Austrian politics. But for the dash ing tenacity of the Magyars, Hungary might be as heterogeneous as her partner in the dual monarchy. The Magyars are only 7,500,000 out of nearly 20,886,500, but they are a race with the fierce hardihood and determination of the Teutonic stock and a grace and fascination that are neither Latin nor Celtic, but distinctively their own. Since the two nations entered into a partnership agreement as coequal and sover eign states, the Magyars have devoted all their brilliant energies and the immense force of a concentrated one-idealness to making them selves paramount throughout the southern half of the realm. They revolted against being Ger manized, but see no inconsistency in insisting that the Serbians, Croats, Rumanians and Slo venes shall be Magyarized; and they pursue the task with unsparing persistency just saved from relentlessness by their genius for wise com promise. The schools have been a much more effective instrument in the development of a national feeling, and the Magyars have thor oughly worked them to that end. Like the Russians and Americans, but unlike the English, the Magyars recognize that where there is dif ference of speech there will be difference of sentiment, of heart, of interests, and at a pinch perhaps of loyalty, and have accordingly refused to make the preservation of dialects an object of government. Fifty years ago the Hungarian nobles spoke German and a bastard monkish Latin in their homes and diets. To-day the
native tongue obtains, among all classes, and the absorption of all manner of outlanders,— German, Slovacks, Jews, Rumanians and Croats, by the irresistible and peaceful process of de nationalization in the schoolroom, has gone on at such a pace that the Magyars increase nearly three times as quickly as any of the neighboring races, The struggle of the nationalities in Hun gary has ended in a more or less resigned acquiescence in Magyar rule.
In Austria, as in Spain, the factory is placed some distance behind the barracks as an ele ment of national welfare, and a contemptuous bureaucracy shackles trade with a hundred en tangling regulations. The Magyars, on the other hand, have been as attentive to commerce as to their racial position. Perhaps there is no country in which the state, as such, has done more for industrial development. The really vital domestic problems of Hungary are, in deed, no longer racial, and as freedom of worship is the law, they have never been acutely religious. But in the rise of what is called Agrarian Socialism there is something that may test Magyar statesmanship severely. Mean while the Magyars are the backbone of the dual monarchy. Against the rising tides of Pan Slavism they present a compact and unbending front. Together with the German empire they may be considered the outposts of Europe against Slav •aggression; and even in the do mestic affairs of the monarchy their unbreakable unity as a political force has made their influ ence well-nigh decisive. The Ausg!eich of 1867, the partnership agreement between the two halves of the realm,— prescribed that matters of common concern, such as foreign affairs, diplomatic representation and naval and mili tary matters, should be arranged by 60 dele gates from each country, meeting twice a year. The Austrian delegation is made up of Ger mans, Czechs, Poles, Ruthenians, Italians, whose feuds make steady co-operation all but impos sible. The Hungarian delegation, on the other hand, is composed of 55 Magyars and five Croatians, working with the directness and harmony of a single man. The consequence is that in the long run the Hungarian view is fairly sure to carry the day. So far each renewal of the Ausgleich has brought substan tial modifications in favor of Hungary, and the centre of gravity has, in fact, shifted from Vienna to Budapest. The Emperor, when driven to it, might go against the German-speaking Austrians, but never against the Magyars; and the Magyars, fully realizing their power, have extorted concession after concession from their unhappy partner; have applied the screw so persistently that it is becoming a question whether they are not as unpopular among Aus trian statesmen as the very Czechs themselves. The troubles of the dual monarchy are due to the failure of the Germans to repeat in Austria the successes of the Magyars in Hungary. "You look after your hordes,* said Count Beust to a Hungarian statesman when the Austrian empire became the dual monarchy, sand we'll look after ours.* The Czechs of Bohemia have turned to ridicule the count's too valiant decla ration. The Germans of Vienna, one must remember, are very different from the Germans of Berlin. Of all the sections of the Teutonic race they appear to have the least robustness of intellect or character and the laxest grip on practical affairs. Indolent, hypercritical and self-satisfied, they are emasculated editions of their northern kinsmen. From whatever cause, some para lyzing blight of lassitude and ineffectiveness seems to have eaten its way into their energies. Against their cultured fecklessness the Czechs oppose the elemental force of racial ambition, the driving power of a people that has the consciousnness of a great destiny before it and feels itself on the top of the rising wave.