STANOYEVICH, Milivoy Stoyan, Ser bian essayist and author : b. Koprivnica, Kraina, Serbia, 14 Feb. 1882. He studied at Belgrade University, where he successfully competed for academic prizes in literary essays. He graduated from that institution in 1907, and was immediately appointed professor ad interim of modern languages at Zajaar College. He came to the United States in 1908 and con tinued his pursuits in literature, sociology and economics at Columbia University and the Uni versity of California, receiving from the last named institution his degree of M.L. (1914). In 1915 he became a lecturer on Slavonic litera ture at the University of California, and in 1916 he was nominated as political adviser on Slavic affairs in the office of the Russian consul-general at San Francisco. He has been editor of several Jugoslav publications and frequent contributor to the American period icals, besides having written u Sadainjosti' (1907) ; 'Figure u Pesmama' (1907) ; 'Prevodi u Srpskin Zabavnicima' (1908) ; (Veitina Pisanja' (1915); 'Pessimisme et Opumisme clans la Sociologie' (in joint collaboration with his brother, Milosh S.) in 1913; 'Tolstoy's Theory of Social Reform' (1914) ; 'Russian Foreign Policy in the East' (1916), etc. His writings are marked by a fresh and vigorous style, by refined simplicity and incisive diction. His studies are full of delicate observations of human nature and he may be justly regarded as a representative writer of Serbian prose.
Edwin McMasters, American statesman and jurist: b. Steubenville, Ohio, 19 Dec. 1814; d. Washington, D. C., 24 Dec. 1869. His paternal ancestors were Quakers originally from Massachusetts but later settled in North Carolina, and his mother was a Virginian. At the age of 13 upon his father's death he began to worlc, and at 17 entered Kenyon College but was obliged to leave after two years for lack of means. After three years of study he was admitted to the bar in 1836 and married.
He joined the Democratic party on the issue of nullification, and in 1837 was elected prosecut ing officer of his county. After serving for two years he returned to private practice, and in 1847 he moved to Pittsburgh where he soon took rank among the leaders of the Pennsylvania bar. In 1856 he changed his residence to Washing ton, and in 1858 was sent to California as special counsel of the United States in the cases growing out of land grants made by the Mexi can government before the treaty of 1848. He
added greatly to his reputation by his conduct of this litigation. During these years he took no part in politics but sympathized with the Free-soil wing of the Democratic party and favored the Wilmot Proviso. In 1856 he sup ported Buchanan, and in 1860 voted for Breck enridge, believing that the election of Lincoln would imperil the Union.
When Buchanan's Cabinet divided in Decem ber 1860 and Cass, the Secretary of State, • re signed, Attorney-General Black took his place and Stanton was made Attorney-General 20 Dec. 1860, the day when the ordinance of secession was adopted in South Carolina. At his first Cabinet meeting the question was pre sented whether Major Anderson should be ordered back to Fort Moultrie. Floyd, the Secretary of War, and his southern associates insisted that this should be done, while Stanton with Black and Holt vigorously opposed them, threatening to resign if such orders were issued. Their attitude drove the secessionists from the Cabinet and redeemed the close of Buchanan's administration. During the re mainder of the administration he was active in studying the plans of the secessionists and con sidering how to defeat them and protect Wash ington. He feared insurrection or assassina tion to prevent Lincoln's inauguration, and his influence helped to persuade President Buchanan that regular troops should be ordered to Wash ington.
The attack on Fort Sumter found him a strong supporter of the national authority and outspoken in calling upon all loyal men to stand by the government. On 13 Jan. 1862, Mr. Lin coln appointed him Secretary of War in place of Simon Cameron. Stanton had criticized Lin coin severely and had not even met him since his inauguration, but Lincoln selected him for his ability and because he was a repre sentative of the Democratic Unionists, whose support was essential. The wisdom of the choice was signally vindicated. The whole system of the War office was inefficient and reorganization was imperatively demanded. Stanton brought to his work great executive ability, prompt decision and a strong will which made itself felt through the whole military service. He had scant patience with men who were seeking personal advantages, or with frivolous calls upon his attention. Hence his manner was brusque, impatient and decided, and he made many enemies.