On 13 May 1915, the first Lasitania note was made pnblic. The recent violation of American rights on the high seas, it said, formed a series of events which the *government of the United States had observed with growing concern, distress and amazement. It was loath to believe that these acts, so' contrary to the ruks and practices of modern warfare, could be sanctioned by the German govermnent. The United States could not accept the creation of a war zone, or admit °the adoption of such measures or such a warning of danger to operate as in any degree an abbreviation of the rights of Amer ican shipmasters or of American citizens bound on lawful errands as passengers on merchant *ships of belligerent nationality; and that it must hold the Imperial German Government to a strict accountability for any infringement of those rights, intentional or accidental.° Secretary Bryan, on 31 May, made public the reply of von Jagow. The -United States was wrong in assuming that the Lusitania was an unarmed merchantman, he said. In reality it was one of the largest and swiftest of the British auxiliary cruisers, carrying cannon con cealed below decics, and contraband °including no less than 5,400 cases of ammunition intended for the destruction of the brave German sol diers.° Germany had a right to destroy this ammunition intended for the enemy. For the loss of American lives the British company was responsible by attempting to use neutral citizens as protection for explosives. Had it not been for the firing of these explosives the vessel would not have sunk so quickly and many lives would have been saved.
This answer did not satisfy the American people. With the exception of the German American papers, the press was almost unani mous in its criticism. It was agreed that the note was evasive, unconvincing and in no way met the demands of the American government.
While a second Lusitania note was in prepa ration Secretary of State 13ryan resigned from the Cabinet, at the same time giving. to the press a statement of differences of opinion with the President which had led to this action. There were two chief points upon which agree ment had been impossible. Mr. Bryan warmly. advocated the submission to an international commission of the disputes with Germany, and he was in favor of °warning Americans against travelling on belligerent vessels or with cargoes of anununition? °Why should an Amencan citizen be permitted to involve his country in war? he said, °by travelling upon a belligerent ship when he lcnows that the ship will pass through a danger 7one?)) The resignation of Mr. Bryan had little effect upon public opinion in the United States, but it created the impression in .Germany that American councils were divided and that a large faction in the country were opposed to war under any circumstances.
The second. Daitoisia note was made public 11 June. The German government, in explain ing the sinlang of the Falba, had contended that an attempt on the part of a nterdiant vessel to escape attack and secure help released the commander of the attacicing subtnarine from.all
obligation to respect the lives and' safety of those On board, even after the attmpt had been relinquished. This contention the United States government vigorously combatted. °No thing but actual forcible resistance.* it. said, 'or continued efforts to escape by flight when ordered to stop for the purpose• of visit on the part of the merclutntman has ever been hekl to forfeit the lives of passengers and crew.* In regard to the Lentanki, the German note had stated that the United States government must have been unawire of the fact that die vessel kad carried masked guns, trained gun ners and ammunition. °Were these statements true,* the note replied, athe Government ef the United States would have been bound to talce official cognizance in perforating its recognized duty as a aeutral pcnver and in enforcing its national laws. It was its duty to see to it that the Lusilania was not armed for offensive action, that she was not serving as a trans port, that she did not carry a cargo prohibited by the statutes of the United States, and that if, in fact, she was a naval atociliary of Great Britain, she should not receive her ckarance as a merchantman, and it performed that duty and enforced 'its statutes with scrupulous vigilance through its regularly constituted officials* The government of the United States was able, therefore, cto assure the Imperial German Government that it has been misinformed. . .
°VVhatever be the other facts regarding the Lusitania, the principal fact is that a great steamer, primarily and chiefly a conveyance for passengers, and carrying more than a thousand souls who had no part or lot in the conduct of the war was torpedoed arid sunk without so much as a'challenge or warning and that men, women and children were sent to their deaths in circumstances unparalleled in inodern war fare. . . .
oThe Government of the United States is contending for something much greater than mere rights of property or privileges of com merce. -It is contending for nothing less high and sacred-than the rights of humanity which every government honors itself in respecting and which no government is justified in resign ing on behalf of those under its care and authority. .
*The Goverrunent of the United States, therefore, deems it reasonable to expect that the Imperial German Government will adopt the measures necessary to put these principles into practice in respect to the safeguarding of Amer ican lives and American slims, and asks for assurances that this will be done.* The German note in reply, which was pub lished in America. 8 July 1915, was neither con ciliatory nor convincing, It once more tried to place the blame for subnrarine frightfulness upon Great Britain. The case of the Luritonis, it said, showed vrith horrible clearness to what jeopardizing of hatnan fives the misdeeds of the Allies were leading. Alt distinction between merchant vessels and war ships had been done away with by the arming of British merchant men and by the ramming of submarbries.