VETO, in political science, the right of the executive to disapprove an act or resolution of the legislature. It may be absolute as in Eng land, or qualified as in the United States, where the disapproval of the executive may be over ridden by an extraordinary majority of the leg islature, or suspensive as in France, where the veto merely works a suspension of the law un til repassed by the legislature by. an ordinary majority. In England the veto is a remnant of the more extensive legislative power for merly exercised by the sovereign, but which has been gradually cut down until only the negative power of. disapproval is left. Since 1708 the right has never been exercised and the com mentator Bagehot goes so far as to say that the sovereign would be bound to sign his own death warrant if the two houses of Parliament should send it to him. But the better opinion is that a royal prerogative is never lost by non-user and, therefore, the royal veto power still exists unimpaired, although the system of responsible cabinet govenunent makes its use out of place. In the English colonies of America, except Maryland, Rhode Island and Connecticut, the royal veto was frequently em ployed in a manner to call out the strong pro tests of the colonies, and this abuse was one of the well-lcnown counts in the indictment against the British king contained in the Declaration of Independence. None of the revolutionary State constitutions except Massachusetts gave the executive even a qualified veto, nor was any provision for such a power made in the Articles of Confederation. The advantages of a qualified veto, as a check upon hasty and ill considered legislation, however, appealed to the framers of the Federal Constitution, and it was provided in Article I, Section 7, that every bill which shall have passed both House of Congress shall be presented to the President for his approval, but if disapproved by him it shall be returned with his objections to the House in which it shall have originated. It is made obligatory upon the House to enter the objections upon the journal and proceed to reconsider the bill. If repassed by two thirds of both houses by a yea and nay vote it becomes law in spite of the executive disapproval. If the bill is retained by the President for a period of 10 days (Sundays excepted) it becomes law without his sig nature unless the adjournment of Congress in the meantime prevents its return. This last proviso in effect gives the President an abso lute veto on all bills passed during the last 10 days of the session since he has only to retain them in order to nullify them. This potent weapon is known as the epocket veto* and was first extensively employed by Presi dent Jackson, who defeated in this vray Clay's bill for the distribution among the States of the proceeds from the sale of the public lands. The veto power was nsed rather sparingly by the earlier Presidents. Washington vetoed two,
Jefferson and the two Adamses none, Madison six and Monroe one. The most extensive use of the veto was made by Jacicson, who vetoed 12 bills, by Tyler and Pierce who vetoed nine each, by Grant who vetoed 43, by Johnson who vetoed 21 and by Cleveland who vetoed 301 during his first term. Most of those vetoed by Cleveland, however, were private pension bills of little importance. Among the more important measures which have been killed by the execu tive disapproval were the bank bill and the in ternal improvement bill vetoed by Jacicson, the two bank bills vetoed by Tyler, the Freedmen's Bureau, Civil Rights and Reconstruction bills vetoed by Johnson, the Inflation bill and the bill to reduce the Presidenes salary from $50,000 to $25,000 vetoed by Grant, the silver coinage bill vetoed by Hayes and the Immigra tion bill vetoed by Cleveland. Until Pierce's administration but one bill was passed over the executive veto, the exception being a tariff bill vetoed by Tyler. Five were passd over Pierce's veto, 4 over Grant's and 15 over John son's. No bills became law by the operation of the rule until Buchanan's adminis tration. Dunng Grant's two terms 136 bills became law by this rule, 18 during Johnson's term, 13 during Arthur's and 283 during Cleve land's first term.
Among the precedents which have grown up in connection with the exercise of the veto power are: that the President has no wer' to veto a resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution; that he cannot veto a bill without stating his objections thereto; that he cannot recall a veto, although this was done on one occasion by Grant; and that the two thirds of both Houses required to override the veto means two-thirds of those present, and not two-thirds of all members composing the two Houses. An oft-suggested amendment to the Constitution is the proposal to empower the President to veto particular items in appropria tion bills. This would enable the executive to eliminate objectionable °riders° front impor tant appropriation bills. At the present time all the State executives except that of Rhode Island are allowed a qualified veto over the acts of the legislature. Not until 1902 were the executives of North Carolina and Ohio given this power. In four States .(Vermont, Connecticut, New Jersey and Indiana) it in cludes only the right to demand reconsidera tion. In 27 States the veto may be overridden by two-thirds, either of the members present or elected; in three States, by three-fifths; and in the others, by a majority of those elected. In a considerable number the executive is em powered to veto any item of an appropriation bill, and in a few, any section of other bills. See Acrs or CONGRESS; BILLS, Cotizsc or; ExEctrnvz. Consult Mason, (The-Veto Po%der' (1890) ; Wyman and Sherwood, (Veto Power in the several States> (1907).