This message was written after consultation with Jefferson, who was then living in retire ment at Monticello. The following extract from a lettpr written by Jefferson to Monroe in OCtober 1823 not only shows Jefferson's part in the formulation of the doctrine but also proves his foresight and his comprehension of American interests and his devotion to the wel fare of his country: The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has been offered to my con templation since that of Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be. never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America. North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe and peculiarly her own. She should, therefore, have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe.. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be to make our 'hemisphere that of freedom. One nation most of all, .could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most harm of any one, or. all on earth; and with her on our, side we need not fear the whole world. With her, then, we should most sedu lously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to knit our affections than to be fighting once more side by side in the same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system, of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never per mitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of CAIT nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if to facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning 's opinion, that it will prevent instead of provoke war., With Great Britain withdrawn from their scale and shifted into that of our two continents. all Europe combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be alighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless Alliance calling itself Holy. But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do we wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States. The control which, with Florida Point. this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being. Yet I am sensible that this can never be obtained, even with her own consent, but by war; and as its independence, which is our second interest (and especially its independence of England), can be secured without it. I have no hesitation in abandoning my first wish to future chances and aCcepting its independence, with peace and the friendship of England, rather than its association, at the expense of war and her enmity. I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration proposed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any of those possessions, that we will not stand in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the mother country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible inter position of any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under any other form or pretext, and most especially, their transfer to any power by conquest, cession, or acquisition in any other way.
Jefferson died on 4 July 1826, just 50 years after the signing of the Declaration of Inde pendence. Two years before his demise the second great Democratic leader had made his entrance into the arena of politics.
' Andrew Jackson (q.v.) of Tennessee, the hero of the War of 1812, had grown in fame and popularity from the day of his victory over the English at New Orleans. In 1824 he became the nominee of his party, and in the election following received 155,872 votes, as against 105,321 cast for John Quincy Adams; 44,282 cast for Crawford; and 46,587 cast for Henry Clay. In the Electoral College Jackson received 99 votes, Adams 84, Crawford 41 and Clay 37. As no one of the candidates had a majority in the Electoral College the election of the Presi dent devolved upon the House of Representa tives; 'and by a coalition between the friends of Adams and the friends of Clay, the former received the votes of 13 States, while Jackson received but 7 and Crawford 4.
The defeat of Jackson after. he had secured a large plurality of the popular vote, and considerable plurality in the Electoral College, aroused great partisan feeling, and from thit time until 1828 Jackson was the the party, his campaign growing in strength as the years proceeded until when election day arrived he had a popular majority of nearly 140,000 and a majority of nearly 100...in the Electoral College. Calhoun was chosen •ice President at the same time.
The chief features of Jackson's admiftistra lion were his treatment of the nullification act of the South Carolina legislature and his veto of the act for the rechartering of the United , States hank. He took vigorous steps to en force the Federal authority and, in an elaborate message, presented the arguments against the right of secession with a force and clearness never since surpassed. His action in this mat ter resulted in the alienation of John C. Cal houn, who up to that time had been a staunch political friend.
The fight over the bank charter not only occupied a large part of the time of his adminis tration, but resulted in a controversy that per meated other issues. The Senate passed a reso lution censuring him for removing the deposits from the bank, and this became an issue. Under the leadership of Thomas H. Benton, of Mis souri, the Democrats began a fight for the reversal of the action of the Senate, and finally secured a majority of that body and expunged the resolution.
While Jackson's military achievements were the foundation for his early popularity, his great political fame was due to championing the cause of the masses, as against the concentrated power of wealth. In his message vetoing the bank charter he presented with emphasis and accuracy the Democratic view of the sphere of government. He said: Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth, cannot be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven and the fruits of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law. But when the laws undertake to add to those natural and just advantages artificial dis tinctions — to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privi leges — to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful —the humbler members of society — the farmers. mechanics, and the laborers — who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors for themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their government.
Jackson's position on the bank charter rep resented the views of his party adherents. His veto was sent to Congress on 10 July 1831, and it was the main issue of the campaign of 1832, when, with Henry Clay as his opponent, he secured a popular plurality of 157,000. In the Electoral College he had 219 votes as against 49 cast for Clay. His Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, succeeded him as the Democratic candidate and was elected, having both a popu lar majority and a majority in the Electoral College. Van Buren defeated William Henry Harrison in that year, and was defeated by him in the following campaign. In the earlier cam paigns the nominations were made by 3 Con ressional caucus, or by, the various States, but Jackson's renomination in 1832 was made by a national convention held at Baltimore, and Van Buren was nominated by a convention held at the same place four years later.