Second Federalist Régime, 1846-53.—The Federalists, re sponsible for the conduct of the war against the United States, remained in power six more years after Santa Anna had been defeated and left the country. President Herrera (1848-51) attempted to reorganize the Government, restore order and estab lish credit. This programme was realized only in part, due to military and political disorders. However, when Arista succeeded Herrera, Mexico witnessed for the first time the peaceful transfer of executive authority from a constitutional president to his con stitutionally elected successor. The experiment was not to be repeated soon, for Arista, cognizant of his general unpopularity, gave way (Jan. 1853) before a movement promoted by Clericals and Conservatives, who favoured the convocation of a constituent assembly. After an interregnum (Jan.–March 1853) a group of militarists succeeded in effecting the recall of Santa Anna. In stalled as president on April 20, 1853, he surrounded himself with Conservatives. On Dec. 16, disregarding all restraints, he declared himself dictator, with the title of "most serene highness." A few days later the sale of Mesilla valley (present Arizona, south of the Gila river) to the United States was negotiated, but the purchase money was soon dissipated. Santa Anna's zero hour, however, had already arrived. While Federalist and Centralist office seekers and doctrinaries wrestled for control after 1824, the mestizo and Indian masses, in social and economic degradation and misery, were either ignored or used as pawns. In practice, haughty creoles had merely usurped the places of haughtier gachupines. The church owned in 1854 a great part of all urban property, con trolled or owned much of the rural property, had an annual in come greater than that of the National Government, and acted as unofficial banker for the people. The gaze of the land-hungry masses fell upon this great domain. Therefore, the recall of the faithless Santa Anna by the Conservatives, his seizure of dictatorial power, and his alienation of the national domain, were but pretexts and not fundamental causes for the revolution of Ayutla, which swept him into perpetual political exile, and pro vided a liberal Constitution. This revolution was initiated by the mestizo revolutionary patriot, Juan Alvarez, and was formally pro claimed on March 1, 1854. It was soon joined by a future galaxy of heroes, including Comonfort, Juarez and Diaz, and as it spread Santa Anna left the country in Aug. 1855. On Oct. 4, Alvarez was installed as provisional president. He soon resigned and was succeeded by Comonfort, who served as provisional president.
The presidencies of Alvarez and Comonfort were signalized by the promulgation of two laws and the adoption of the Constitu tion of 1857. The enactment (Nov. 23, 1855) of the first law was secured by Juarez, the Zapotec Indian minister of justice in Alvarez's cabinet, from whom it takes its name (Ley Juarez). By limiting the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical and military courts to offences of the clergy and military, the law for the first time provided for the legal equality of all citizens. Feeling that re ligion was being attacked, the Clericals opposed the law. Equally noteworthy was the Ley Lerdo (June 25, i856), so called from its author, Miguel Lerdo de Tejada, minister of finance in Comon fort's cabinet. This law prohibited religious and civil corporations from acquiring or owning rural or urban property not used for the specific object of the corporation, and obliged corporations then owning such property to sell the same to the tenants or usufructuaries on reasonable fixed terms, for the benefit, how ever, of the owners. In practice neither law accomplished its full object. Nevertheless, they were both incorporated substantially in the new Federal Constitution (promulgated Feb. 12, and effec tive Sept. 16, 1857) along with other clauses recognizing the natural and inalienable rights of man and providing for religious toleration and agrarian reform—all of which made the new Con stitution appear extremely liberal in comparison with that of 1824. The Liberals, however, were still working for the interests
of the middle class, rather than of the masses.
As the Constitution of 1857 went into effect, opposition in creased. Comonfort was installed as constitutional president on Dec. 1, but within less than three weeks, vainly hoping to recon cile the two hostile political groups, accepted the Plan de Tacu baya (Dec. 17, 1857), which repudiated the new Constitution. He was promptly made dictator by the Conservatives, who took steps to draft a new Constitution under his auspices. Having used Comonfort, the Conservatives soon deposed and exiled him (Jan. 21, 1858) and named as his successor a thorough Conservative, Zuloaga. For the next three years Mexico was the prey of civil war between two rival Governments—the Constitutionalists at Veracruz under Juarez, who, as chief justice of the Supreme Court had succeeded Comonfort, and the Conservatives at the capital. The latter were better organized and early inflicted seri ous defeats upon the Constitutionalists. Juarez won a great moral victory, however, when he was recognized by the United States (April, 1859); this allowed him to draw supplies of arms and volunteers thence. In July 1859, Juarez published decrees sup pressing the religious orders, nationalizing ecclesiastical real property (of the estimated value.of more than $125,000,000, ex clusive of churches, monasteries, schools, hospitals, libraries and art treasures), establishing civil marriage and registration, trans ferring the cemeteries to civil control—in short, disestablishing and disendowing the church. In 1859, each of the rival govern ments made transactions that were humiliating to Mexican sov ereignty or provocative of future trouble ; they can only be ex plained by the desperate straits of each party. In return for promised aid, the Conservative president, MiramOn, approved a treaty with Spain, which recognized unjust claims of Spanish na tionals against Mexico. The same year MiramOn, pressed for funds, made a transaction with Jecker, a Swiss banker settled in Mexico, whereby he was to lend Miramon $15,000,000 on such terms that the latter was liable for $16,800,000. Bonds to that amount were issued to Jecker who went into bankruptcy after he had delivered to MiramOn only $1,470,000. Soon, however, he bribed French officials to press, in behalf of his French creditors, for the settlement of the bonds at their face value. Also Juarez, in the hope of securing a loan, and desirous of forestalling threat ened European intervention, concluded with the United States a treaty which gave the latter, in virtual derogation of Mexican sovereignty, rights of transit by diverse routes across Mexico, and unusual guarantees for U.S. nationals residing there. This treaty was not ratified by the U.S. Senate. Until 186o the Con stitutionalists were on the defensive. In March of that year, how ever, the U.S. Government gave Juarez, on the ground that his Government was de jure, both moral and material aid, and thereby frustrated the plans of the Conservatives to attack Veracruz. Henceforth, they were on the defensive. During the war both sides levied forced contributions on much foreign property, the Conservatives being the worst offenders. The United States with drew recognition from their Government in 1858; the following year outrages on British subjects caused the British minister to break off diplomatic relations. Finally, on Nov. 17, 1860, Mira mon, under the plea of necessity, seized $660,000 which had been left under seal at the British legation. Dec. 22 his forces were routed by the Juarist Gen. Ortega and his Government overthrown.