Serbia

war, belgrade, foreign, regicides, annexation, hungary, austria-hungary, prince and bosnia

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Serbia After the Murders of 1903.

The Obrenovie regime was held in such universal odium in Serbia that the removal of its last representative, and hence of the old and grievous dynastic feud, was greeted with relief rather than horror. The regicides at once formed a cabinet representing all parties, reestablished the constitution of 1901 and convoked parliament for June 15. It unanimously elected Prince Peter Karageorgevie, son of the ex-Prince Alexander to the vacant throne, and then restored the constitution of 1889, acknowledged as the most liberal of all those under which Serbia had been governed. Thus the shortlived senate disappeared, the franchise was extended, and the practice of tampering with such fundamental institutions as the bench, the press and the right of assembly received a salutary check. The new king found himself in a position of extreme delicacy, for the regicides were at first all-powerful politically. Austria Hungary and Russia, indeed, at once congratulated him on his accession, but in Dec. 1903 all the Powers represented at Belgrade protested against the Government's weak attitude towards the regicides, and it was not till 1906 that a British Minister was appointed to return to Belgrade. The sinister incident of the murder of the NovakoviC brothers in the Belgrade state prison caused a reaction of feeling against the regicides, and the Radical Party, predominant since the murder, split into two sections, the Old and the Young, the former evolving steadily towards extreme conservatism. Their chief merit was a further reform of the finances; in 1903 there had been a deficit of 11,500,000 dinars, in 1904 and 1905 there were surpluses of 6,500.000 and 4,700,000. Under Dr. Pae"u as finance minister confidence revived both at home and abroad.

In foreign policy the Radicals concluded in June 1905 a customs convention with Bulgaria, which was intended to lead to a political alliance and common action in the Balkans. But it was pre maturely disclosed (probably by the deliberate design of Prince Ferdinand) just as negotiations between Vienna and Belgrade for a new commercial treaty were nearing the final stage. Early in 1906 Austria-Hungary peremptorily vetoed Serbia's ratifica tion of the Bulgarian agreement, and when the Government demurred, broke off the Austro-Serbian negotiations and closed her frontiers to Serbian imports. The result was a prolonged tariff war, due largely to the increased political influence of the Agrarians both in Austria and Hungary and their desire to prevent Serbia from extending her market for livestock and agricultural produce in Vienna and other cities. Serbia was also embarrassed by Austria-Hungary's further demand that she should order the guns and munitions which she required, at the Skoda works rather than in Western countries. This too was firmly resisted, and the orders were placed with Schneider-Creusot. In the end Serbia

was surprisingly successful in finding fresh markets, e.g., in Egypt : in the first year of the tariff war her foreign trade only diminished by 300,00o dinars, in 1907 it had again increased by 10,000,00o dinars, and after a drop in 1908, which was still inferior to the pre-war figure, it continued to grow steadily, keeping pace with improved finances.

The Bosnian Crisis.

The "Pig War" touched every Serbian peasant in his pocket, and was a heavy blow to such Austrophil sentiments as still lingered. Friction between Serbia and Austria Hungary became more acute when in October 1908 Baron Aehren thal proclaimed the annexation of Bosnia-Hercegovina, without consulting the other signatories of the Treaty of Berlin, on which Austria-Hungary's mandate of occupation rested. During the prolonged international crisis that followed (Oct. 1908–March 1909), excitement in Serbia became intense, and the wilder spirits clamoured for war against the Dual Monarchy. After a secret session of the Skupgtina, the Foreign Minister, Dr. Milo vanovi6, undertook a mission to the courts of Europe and pressed Serbia's claim for the cession of a strip of territory linking up Serbia with Montenegro and with the Adriatic and securing the much needed independence for her commerce. Popular sentiment had never abandoned the hope of union with the Serbs of Bosnia, but the Government retained sufficient sanity to frame its de mands within the limits of the possible. Austria-Hungary, how ever, though while annexing Bosnia she had simultaneously evacuated the Sanjak (partly to prevent Italy from claiming compensation under Clause 7 of her alliance) resolutely refused any territorial concession to Serbia, declining also to enter an international Congress until the Powers stood committed to endorse the annexation. Serbia received encouragement from Russia, one aspect of the crisis being the acute rivalry between the two Foreign Ministers, Aehrenthal and Izvolsky, who regarded himself as having been duped at their Buchlau meeting in Sep tember 1908. In January 1909 Milovanovi6 declared in the Skupgtina that the Bosnian question was one of European interest, that Austria-Hungary's Balkan mission was ended and that she must not drive Serbia to despair. The war fever grew, Austria-Hungary mobilised and a very dangerous situation had arisen when Russia, yielding to a German ultimatum, recognised the annexation and advised Serbia to submit. On March 31, 1909, on the collective advice of the Triple Entente and Italy, she addressed a Note to Vienna, recognising "the fait accompli created in Bosnia" as "in no way affecting her rights." A few days earlier Crown Prince George, who had been the soul of the war party, abdicated his right of succession, owing to the report that he had mortally injured his valet in a fit of passion: his younger brother Alexander thus became Heir Apparent.

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