Declaration of Independence

and though it continued to send secret aid, and to exert a favour able influence upon Spain, yet it could not be induced to abandon its outward appearance of neutrality until after the news of Bur goyne's surrender arrived. Then the real purpose of the French Government was revealed. On Feb. 6, 1778, the treaties were signed, and in the following summer war between France and England began. The influence of France under the Family Com pact, brought Spain into the alliance in April 1779. In October 1779 Henry Laurens was elected minister to the Netherlands, and sailed for Europe, taking with him a plan of a commercial treaty. But Laurens and his papers were captured by the British at sea, and partly by that event the Netherlands were forced into war with England. With the other States of northern Europe they undertook to defend the interests of neutrals against the arrogant enforcement by Great Britain of the rights of search at sea. Thus the conflict expanded into a commercial and naval war, Great Britain being confronted by the larger part of Europe.

Philadelphia Recaptured.

The conclusion of the treaty of alliance by France was immediately followed by the equipment of a fleet under the comte d'Estaing, which sailed from Toulon in April 1778. Sir Henry Clinton had now succeeded Howe in com mand of the British army. The certainty that a French fleet would soon appear in American waters made it necessary for the British to evacuate Philadelphia and return to a point on the coast where the army could be in easy communication with the fleet. This fact shows how the French alliance had changed the nature of the war. It now became to a large extent a contest between the two navies, the principal evolutions of which oc curred in West Indian and European seas. In the north the British now relatively neglected the land war, and refrained from sending such forces to the eastern coast as had supported Howe in 5776. The Americans, on the other hand, had a naval force upon which they relied, in the hope that the blockade of their coasts might be raised and trade routes opened more freely. On the evacuation of Philadelphia in June Washington's army pur sued the British as they retired toward New York, and the in decisive battle of Monmouth was fought on June 28. It did not prevent Clinton from reaching New York, and that city continued to be the centre of British power and operations in the north until the close of the war. The Congress returned to Philadelphia. Washington's army came gradually to occupy a line of forts, of which West Point in the highlands of the Hudson was the citadel. From there as a centre it was possible to communicate with New port on the east and with the Delaware region on the south, and at the same time to prevent the British from gaining access to the interior of the country. Though the fleet of D'Estaing carried a heavier equipment of cannon than did that of Admiral Howe, the French commander did not choose to risk an attack on New York, but passed eastward to Newport. Howe followed him, while Washington and his generals planned active co-operation with the new allies by land. But a sudden storm so dispersed and injured the fleets that the French admiral retired to Boston for repairs and later sailed for the West Indies.

State Constitutions.

While the war and foreign relations

were thus developing, the States were organizing their govern ments and Congress was beginning to consider articles of con federation between the States. In this way an effort was made to gather up and make permanent the positive results of the revo lution. As under the chartered and royal governments of the colonial period the source of political authority had been the Crown, now by a necessary reaction this was sought in the people. This principle had been stated in the Declaration of Independence, and had been implied throughout the earlier controversy. The Colonies had insisted on a more precise definition of the powers of government ; they had opposed Parliament because its powers were undefined and therefore dangerous. Following these ideas, the States now described their institutions of government and defined their powers by means of written constitutions. These were formulated by the provincial congresses—which had now become the legislatures—or, as they came to insist upon a more specific expression of the popular will, by conventions chosen for the purpose by the electors. Connecticut and Rhode Island re tained their colonial charters. In the earlier days of hasty and temporary devices, the constitutions, like statutes, had been pro mulgated by the legislatures which formed them and had been put into force by their authority alone. But as time passed and more permanent arrangements became necessary an express pop ular approval of the instruments was obtained before they were put into force. The establishment of State governments in this way began before the issue of the Declaration of Independence. It was actively continued during 1776 and the early months of the following year, by which time all of the States had secured at least a temporary constitution. Of the constitutions of the revo lutionary period the two most striking features were the bills of rights and the provisions which were made concerning the execu tives and their relations to the legislatures. The men of that generation were jealous of government. They insisted upon indi vidual rights, not as acquired and guaranteed by the State, but as original, natural and inhering in time prior to all governments. Governments were instituted for the common benefit, protection and security. Officials were trustees and were accountable to the people. There should he no hereditary title to office or power. There should be no titles of nobility, and in Virginia the system of entails was swept away. Monopolies were declared to be in consistent with the spirit of a free State. Freedom of the press and of conscience was asserted, and no obstacles to fair and speedy jury trials were to be tolerated. Elections should be free and frequent, and a preference was expressed for short terms of office. The legislature was universally regarded as the most im portant department of government. Although the principle of the separation of powers was recognized, in eight States provision was made that the executives should be elected by the legis latures, I I withheld from them the veto, and the States generally provided for a council to advise them. So manifold and impor tant, however, were the restrictions on suffrage that the States were as yet far from being democracies.