In the first place, the causes which operated to produce the Revolution as they existed in the higher and more en lightened classes of the community, may be divided into two kinds; those which originated from principles and feel ings of liberty, and those which originated solely from a desire to throw off particular grievances. We have already admitted, that the writings of the French philosophers had disseminated among these classes, very free notions on the subjects of government and religion ; and that the return of the army from America may have tended still farther to confirm and propagate liberal ideas on government. But there were many descriptions of men in France, who, in addition to, or independently of, their attachment to the cause of liberty, were anxious to free themselves from par ticular grievances. The nobility were anxious to regain those privileges of which they had been script by the crown. The provincial noblesse beheld with contempt and indigna tion the follies, the profligacy, and the power of the higher The inferior clergy regarded their superiors with the same feelings; but, more especially, cc the practising lawyers, almost entirely excluded from the chance of be coming judges, wished eagerly for a change of affairs, not doubting that their talents and professional skill would ren der them necessary amidst any alterations that might oc cur," In short, there was a mutual repulsion among the leading classes of the community, arising from a change in their feelings and wishes, without this change being accom panied by a corresponding change in their situation, or in the conduct of government towards them.
It ought also to be stated, that besides those who wish ed, or were prepared for a Revolution, expecting from it, either the realization of their schemes and hopes respect ing liberty, or the removal of their particulur grievances, there were, in Paris particularly, an immense number of desperate and unprincipled persons, who eagerly looked forward to a convulsion which they had no doubt would be the accompaniment of a Revolution, and from which they anticipated the full indulgence of their most violent and de praved passions.
The causes which revolutionized the great mass of the people, are quite distinct from those we have just enume rated. When, indeed, the first symptoms of the Revolu tion became manifest, many thought it would not spread over the nation, when they reflected how ignorant the peo ple were, how blindly and obstinately attached to old estab lishments, how passionately devoted to their monarch, and every thing that concerned him ; and that though oppress ed by the nobility, and neglected by the government, they seemed quite insensible to the miseries of their condition, and exhibited more striking symptoms of content and hap piness than nations much freer and more highly favoured. How then were such a people changed, and changed so completely, as to hear of the execution of their monarch with exultation ? The cause when explained is very sim ple. The peasantry, though accustomed, were not utterly insensible to the tyranny of the nobles ; nor could they be hold with indifference, scenes of profligate and wanton ex travagance displayed at their chateaus, at the very time when their own cottages were the abode of misery and fa mine. Though utterly ignorant of the meaning of political liberty, they knew what was meant by being freed from the oppresssions, taxes, and vexations to which they were sub ject, and still more keenly did they enter into the prospect of having it in their power to retaliate on the nobility the evils they had suffered from them. In short, at the com mencement of the Revolution, they received, or seized on power ; and very naturally became attached to that event, from which such a blessing- in their estimation proceeded.
Had the Revolution only promised them political liberty, they would have regarded it with indifference ; with them it would have found no supporters ; but addressinp. itself to their passions and feelings, they rose in favour of it, and in their exultation, at their liberation from oppressions un der which they had long groaned, and at the ruin of those who had regarded their misery with indifference, or per haps essentially contributed towards it, they forgot their loyalty, and beheld in their monarch only the chief of their oppressors.
We are now to consider the circumstances in which the nation was placed, which allowed or encouraged those dis tinct causes to operate together with the fullest effect.
We have already noticed the embarrassed state of the French finances at the termination of the American war in 1783 ; and that the government, finding all their plans in effectual towards the bringing them into order, were at last compelled to assemble the Notables. Thus were collected at Paris most of those men who were desirous of a change ; and who beheld themselves in a condition, from the wants of the government, the appeal which had been made to them to suggest measures for the supply of those wants, and their own strength, to use their efforts for the accom plishment of their wishes. Their objects, indeed, might differ ; for while some wished merely to curtail the power of the crown, in order to restore the privileges of the no bility ; others wished to attack the power and privileges both of the crown and the nobility. Under these circum stances, it is evident, that the former was placed in a situa tion of great peril, and that the objects of the nobility were not so likely to he attained as those of the other party, since they had to concert their measures in such a manner as at the same time to act against the crown and against that par ty. But in this view of the causes of the Revolution, the na ture of the plaee,where those desirous of a change were as sembled, must• be taken into consideration. In countries, where the mass of the people have been long habituated to regard themselves as interested in the acts of the govern ment, and privileged to express their wishes and opinions re garding those acts, itis impossible that the population of the capital, however numerous or intriguing, should possess an undue share of influence ; but the case is different in coun tries where the people do not think themselves authorised or qualified to discuss the measures of their rulers, especially if the connection and communication between the capital and the provinces is by no means intimate, regular, and frequent. In such countries, the population of the capital gives the colour and tone to the feelings and actions of the popula tion of the provinces; and whoever wields it, wields a ma chine, by means of which he may almost certainly succeed in overthrowing the government of the country. This was very strikingly the case in Paris, not merely from the poli tical ignorance and bondage in which the people of France had long been kept, but also from the peculiar character of the population of the capital ; in which, even before the Revolution, there was to be found a greater laxity of prin ciples and conduct, and more intrigue, restlessness, and systematic depravity, than existed in any other capital of Europe. There was also in it a larger number of what are called men of letters, who would willingly lend their talents to the propagation and support of any doctrines, to the re commendation of any schemes or acts, however unjust or pernicious.