Crimean War Period.— Up to the middle of the 19th century the Ottoman Empire had exerted a tremendous' influence upon the his tory of Europe for over 400 years. The Turks had proved themselves not only redoubtable warriors, but a distinct peril to Western civiliza tion and Christianity. The Turk conquered for the sake of conquest; he devastated and massacred, but made no effort to colonize or introduce tolerable government. In all the territories that fell under his sway the Turk was ever in the minority; he was not assimilated with the natives nor they with him; he was ever a stranger to the soil and his "govern ments merely an army of occupation to suppress the natives. The Mohammedan Turk looked down on those of other creeds with contempt: they could not be placed on a level with him. The conversion to a foreign creed was practically an impossibility except under com pulsion. Islam found its converts only among those who had no religion of their own. De spite their frequent wars among themselves, all the other nations of Europe have certain Interests and ideals in common — in commerce, literature, polity, religion, science, etc. The Turk shares in none of these excepting, per haps, the material one of commerce. From the early incursions of the Ottomans into Europe, as has been shown, there were frequent coalitions among European states to resist the invader. It was reserved for the 19th century to witness the anomalous spectacle of Christian nations rushing to the defense of the Turk and the preservation of his dominions at least in Europe. This political phenomenon is known as the "Eastern Question," which is treated under that head. The first important manifestation of this policy was the war in the Crimea (q.v.). Already in 1853 the Tsar Nicholas I described Turkey as the "Sick Man of Europe" to the British Ambassador and proposed a division of his property when the patient should die. The old Russian ambition for Constantinople has been mentioned. The other Turkish possessions in Europe at that time contained populations of more or less well-marked races which could be set up as independent states — as they eventually were. The Crimean War, in which France and Great Britain fought on the side of Turkey against Russia, resulted practically in a draw, though Russia was obliged to make important con cessions to her rival by the Treaty of Paris.
In 1875 Bosnia and Herzegovina broke into open revolt, stung to desperation by intolerable abuses, and in February the six European powers launched the Andrassy Note, the first of a long succession of documents, most of which have been delivered in the same fashion, only to meet the same fate. The note demanded administrative reforms on a liberal scale, but nothing came of it. Though nominally acting in concord, the Powers at this epoch were far from being in harmony. The note having failed in its object, Prince Gortschakov, Prince Bismarck and Count Andrassy met in Berlin and framed the "Berlin Memorandum" (q.v.), in which the signatories declared it futile to accept the sultan's bare word and promise for reforms, and demanded material guarantees. The effect of the memorandum was nullified by Lord Derby's objection to the principle of interfering with the integrity of the empire, but it was published and noted by the Turks, though never formally handed to i them. The Bulgarians broke out in insurrec tion in April, but were easily crushed with relentless ferocity. The internal condition of Turkey went from bad to worse and the financial situation became desperate; the interest on the public debt amounted to nearly $70, 000,000, out of a total revenue of $100,000,000. Payment was stopped, Turkish stocks fell 50 per cent and the populace grew more and more furious against their rulers. Frequent demonstrations were made by the turbulent Softas (students), and at length the Grand Vizier and the Sheikh-ul-Islam were ejected from office, while Midhat Pasha, the leader already of a Turkish reform party, was given a place in the ministry. Within two weeks of this change the palace was silently surrounded with troops, the Sultan Abdul Aziz was made prisoner and dethroned by his ministers on a f eivah from the Sheikh-ul-Islam. Murad V was placed on the throne, and Abdul Aziz was found dead in the Cheraghan Palace 4 June 1876. According to the verdict of a number of European doctors he had committed suicide by cutting the veins in his arms with a pair of sharp-pointed scissors. The advent of Murad was hailed with popular enthusiasm, as he was supposed to be liberal-minded and inclined toward political liberty. A short time, how
ever, revealed that he was a weak-willed creature, quite unable to check the high handed proceedings of his Cabinet, and on 31 Aug. 1876 he was unceremoniously deposed, not secretly, as his uncle had been, but deliberately and openly, and Abdul Hamid II, his younger brother, became sultan. For 28 years Murad lived a state prisoner; his death was announced 31 Aug. 1904.
Abdul Hamid at first gave no sign of his latent strength and energy. Not long before his accession Serbia had suddenly declared war on Turkey and proclaimed Milan Obrenovich of Bosnia and Serbia.* The storm of Turkish butchery and outrage turned loose in Bulgaria (see BATAX) roused the indignation of the civilized world and led to European dip lomatic intervention. The British government presented a comprehensive areform scheme* and proposed a conference to devise means for enforcing its execution. Although Midhat Pasha, now the Grand Vizier, was himself an advocate of reform, he believed that Turkey was capable of looking after itself without in terference. Within two months of his acces sion the sultan played his first coup, designed to cut the ground away from under the feet of Europe by first promulgating a reform scheme of his own, even more comprehensive than the British one, providing for a constitu tion, a parliament, a premier, open courts, free dom of the press and all the administrative furniture of a modern state. Midhat was dis missed and banished on 5 Feb. 1877. Elections were held, several Christian deputies chosen and the Parliament was opened with a fanfare of trumpets and salvos of artillery on 19 March 1877. The speech from the throne, read by the sultan's first secretary, entered at great length into the condition of the empire and declared that the Constitution was intended to secure liberty, equality and justice to all. Al most for the first time the East was adopting one of the most distinctive institutions of the West. But the innovation, unfortunately, was launched at a critical time: civil war raged in the Balkans; Serbia, under armistice, was un friendly; Greece was watching her chance to seize Thessaly; Crete and Montenegro threat ened and, above all, war with Russia seemed imminent. The Powers, however, were deter mined on a conference, which was held in Con stantinople and soon ended in smoke. The Tsar Alexander declared war on Turkey 24 April 1877 and lost no time in moving his troops across the Pruth. While the war was in progress the sultan prorogued his Parlia ment on 14 Feb. 1878 and it remained closed for 30 years. In the course of the war the Russians advanced almost to Constantinople, and it seemed that the age-long aspiration of expelling the Turk from Europe would he soon realized. Incidentally, Russia would also be come mistress of the city of the Bosporus in accordance with the famous “testament* of Peter the Great. But the other powers of the Concert flamed out in jealousy of Russia and the British government actively intervened to save Turkey. Even the Treaty of San Stefano (q.v.), which Russia exacted from Turkey, was not allowed to stand, the terliji Congress ting down the Turkish sacrifices of territor:, However, Rumania, Serbia and Montenegrl were released from Turkish suzerainty and Bu garia was left in only nominal dependenc: Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed under tli administration of Austria and a small part cl Armenia was ceded to Russia. The tread further obligated the sultan to introduce re forms into the remaining Christian provinces- an obligation that still lacked fulfilment at the close of the European War 40 years later. The result of the war was by no means very dis astrous to Turkey; the loss of the Baikal principalities had long been inevitable, but she was still permitted to retain suzerainty over eastern Rumelia, which in 1885 broke away and united with Bulgaria. Turkey also lost Kars and Batum to Russia. , The most serious blow was the war indemnity, but Russia provel indulgent and consented to easy instalments thus providing herself with a Damocles' swoni over Turkey. Just before the signature of the treaty, Great Britain concluded the Cyprus Con vention, taking over the administration of that island and in return undertaking to defend Turkey in case of Russian aggression in Asia Minor. In 1881 Midhat Pasha was tried for alleged complicity in the murder of Abdul Ariz. He was °found guilty,* exiled to Arabia and finally strangled.